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It is a natural law that when a vacuum is created somewhere in the
atmosphere, at once a flow begins from an area of greater pressure.
But while the flow starts from the area of greater pressure, the cause
lies in the vacuum. It is the vacuum that creates the situation.1
Taking off from the above commentary, while it may not be possible to
classify it in the category of natural law, human experience over the
millennia has shown, nevertheless, that whenever there is a vacuum in
the affairs of humans it is invariably – and almost inevitably –
malevolent forces that rush in to fill the vacuum. As to why that
should be so is the basis of a separate essay. The existing state of
affairs in most parts of the world is, however, no exception.
Confining oneself to the present situation, vacuum in one or more
countries in any given region is generally created under the following
conditions:
| (a) |
Collapse of the central governing authority.
(Whenever the collapse is sudden the ripples are felt much
farther, as was the case with the collapse of the USSR). |
| (b) |
Inroads made by a new ideology. (Communism
around the beginning of the last century; radical Islam
coinciding with the advent of the new century). |
| (c) |
Ineffective governance. |
| (d) |
Corruption becoming so endemic as to make
good governance a non-starter. |
| (e) |
Forces inimical to the national interest
making inroads into the process of governance. (This process
that has already overtaken several countries could, should it
remain unchecked, reach alarming proportions in India as well). |
There could be several other reasons that are not being included in
this discussion.
Introduction
India is incrementally being seen as a soft state on account of the
government seemingly preferring vote bank politics at the cost of
national security. Most responsible officials in the military,
paramilitary and intelligence hierarchies hold this view and have
brought it to the notice of the government ad nauseum. End result - it
is water off a duck's back. Ordinary law-abiding Muslims as well as
Hindus and other communities simply want to get on with their lives.
They do not wish to have anything to do with the radical elements. It
is the government policies of appeasement that strengthen the latter
at the cost of the former. India is potentially a strong country. At
this point in its history the gravest threats to its security are
internal, not external. Bombay-ites and Indians as a whole have a lot
of resilience. They have been living with terror on an unprecedented
scale much longer than the countries that became alive to global
terrorism after 11 September 2001 attacks on the US. Bombay-ites will
resume their normal life in a matter of days. They do not really have
a choice.
The subject will be covered under the following heads:-
| (a) |
The Indian Context. Addressing a few
basic issues at the outset; The dangerous drift; some of the
essential ingredients of a successful war against terrorism in
India; clear enunciation of a no-nonsense policy to deal with
the threat; the Indian Army and terrorism. |
| (b) |
The Global Context. The demographics of
global terrorism; US response to global terrorism; Afghanistan
revisited; waiting for the US to restrain Pakistan or waiting
for the cows to come home; reappraising Pervez Musharraf. |
| (c) |
Concluding Remarks. |
THE INDIAN CONTEXT
Addressing a few Basic Issues at the Outset
These can be tabulated as under:-
| (a) |
Democracy, with all its noise, chaos and
attendant ills, remains dear to the people of India. The armed
forces of India are guarantors of the Indian Constitution. For
them it is sacrosanct and inviolable. |
| (b) |
All criticism of the functioning of the
governing polity and other entities at the helm of affairs is in
the form of a critique of the type that is carried out after a
war game to improve functioning for the future. It should be
taken in that light by all concerned. The criticism is not
necessarily directed at any particular government. Various
governments up to the present have shown similar pusillanimity
in the face of grave threats to the country. |
| (c) |
It should be eminently clear that religious
polarisation is taking place across the globe at a frightening
pace. Societies that were accommodating and tolerant have
changed their outlook. The change is self-evident. |
| (d) |
The religious polarisation that is taking
place has not yet peaked. Each new terrorist attack, regardless
of the motivation, exacerbates the divide. |
| (e) |
The polarisation on the world canvas is
generally between Muslim and non-Muslim communities and not so
much between other denominations. Different countries may have
ethnic or religious strife of equal or even greater intensity,
but the term 'global terrorism' in today's setting is confined
to Islamic jihad, which has acquired a global reach at par with
the global reach of the superpower, though it cannot match the
superpower's military or economic resources – at least not in
the near future. |
| (f) |
By present indications, the invasiveness and
global reach of Islamic jihad is increasing by the day, at a
pace faster than the ability of their opponents to contain or
quell it. |
| (g) |
India cannot exercise the very hard options
open to countries like the USA, Russia, China and a few other
countries to indulge in punitive strikes across borders. |
| (h) |
Nor is a full-fledged conventional war
-regardless of whether it leads to a nuclear confrontation or
not - an option for India. As mentioned in an earlier book:
"Another war between India and Pakistan would be tantamount to:
" a physical suicide for Pakistan, economic suicide for India
and a catastrophe for the subcontinent." |
| (i) |
India has, however, several other options,
not necessarily counter terror strikes, to bring neighbours to
their senses in fairly quick time. These options had never been
exercised before for several reasons, that included, inter alia:
pusillanimity of the governments; crippling of India's external
capability by one or more Prime Ministers of the day for values
based on cherished traditions or in the mistaken belief that
India being the bigger country, it could withstand repeated
transgressions from neighbours and that forbearance on its part
would sooner or later bring them to their senses. |
| (j) |
India does not have to indulge in foreign
policy flip-flops due to pressures put on the government of the
day by the minority community or the Left parties. The
government has to shed its tentativeness and diffidence. It
represents, or should represent the national interest of India.
The majority community constitutes over 80 per cent of the
population of the country. If national security demands that the
country improve its relations with Israel or the USA, the
government does not have to be apologetic about it. For over 50
years the Indian government did not open diplomatic relations
with Israel and went out of its way to condemn Israel and the
USA in every forum, irrespective whether its opinion was sought
or not. The majority community, although it may have felt
otherwise, went along with that decision in the national
interest. The needs of national security or the sentiments of
the majority cannot be indefinitely put on hold for the sake of
vote bank politics or pressures brought to bear by less than 20
per cent of the electorate. That way could lead to national
disaster. (It would have been an altogether different matter had
India remained non-aligned in the true sense of the word). |
| (k) |
Whatever other alignments or shifts in
foreign policy that might take place in the coming decades
India's strategic relationship with Russia remains inviolable.
It is non-negotiable. Both countries have arrived at a
comfortable understanding whereby each country pursues its own
interest without allowing the strategic relationship to be
impaired or eroded. |
In the light of the foregoing unless countries like India, that are
the most threatened by the scourge of Islamic jihad, start confronting
the stark reality squarely and stop playing the vote bank card, they
will undermine the efforts of the instrumentalities of the state
designed to deal with the threat. For India this threat at the present
juncture is greater than any external threat. There is a growing
feeling in many circles that the government might have tied itself in
knots by being held hostage to forces hostile to India. What else
could explain the government's inexplicable action of bringing back
the IMDT through the backdoor in the form of the amended Foreigner's
Act merely to neutralise the effect of the Supreme Court's striking
down the IMDT. The result is there for all to see. There has been
deportation of only one Bangladeshi infiltrator in Assam after the
Supreme Court struck down the controversial Illegal Migrants
Determination by Tribunals Act a year ago.
It is indeed a very serious matter that the political class -or
substantial elements thereof – appear, on the face of it, to be
deliberately undermining national security. One cannot think of any
other country where the nation's highest court gives direction for
retrieving a dangerous national security drift to have it so brazenly
undermined by the political class. The government's step was taken in
the face of the Governor and security agencies bringing to the notice
of the government that infiltrators in large numbers were crossing
over daily from across the border. Should this trend continue, many
people in the country and friends of India would be compelled to start
wondering whether the governing process -or a part of it – had fallen
into the hands of interests that were bent upon undermining the
country's security. Neither the misgivings of the President of India
on national matters nor the decisions of the Supreme Court to
strengthen good governance and national security seem to have any
effect on the political class. According to a well-known editor of a
national daily, "The blundering policy of cosying up to Naxalites was
followed by a most shockingly cynical approach to negotiations that
brought back to life a near-dead ULFA in Assam where, it seemed
sometimes, the line between political and national interest had been
washed away in a Brahmaputra flood".2
That is not all. Just three days after the Bombay blasts a
dawn-to-dusk general strike in Assam to protest the killing of six
ULFA militants by security forces brought normal life to a halt. Who
exactly is calling the shots in Assam? The government or interests
across the border? The people of India would then be impelled to pose
the question:
"Does the Constitution of the country stand hijacked"?
Having seen the cavalier manner in which security of the nation is
being handled – or mishandled -by the ruling dispensations it would be
worthwhile taking a look at whether other countries are also taking
threats to their national security as lightly. Since long the UK was
in the forefront of condoning the activities of Islamists in UK and
worldwide. It continued to harbour – even nurture -many of the radical
Islamic organisations in its bosom; several of them had their
headquarters in the UK. Yet after the London bombings the government
lost no time in banning even those organisations that merely glorify
terrorism. Recently it has banned organisations like Al Ghurabaa and
the Saved Sect. In India, on the other hand, jihad is permitted to be
glorified from any number of mosques and in numberless madrassas, even
though the country has been at the receiving end of terror through
this route for over two decades. That is why terrorists are now using
youngsters by hiring them for Rs. 200 to 500 to throw grenades.
The Dangerous Drift
The myth of Indian syncretism stands exploded. It remains a figment of
the imagination of daydreamers. What is being talked about is the
actual state of affairs and not what the desired state should be. The
paper began with the suggestion of a vacuum being created. In this
country the Hindu-Muslim divide was brought about by the political
class in state after state and by the government's inability to act
firmly and, in time, when the first signs of the reinforcement of
orthodox ideology by outsiders became apparent. Even today the
government policies tend to push the Muslims towards orthodoxy when it
is seen to be giving in to elements that are the fountainhead of such
orthodoxy, thus strengthening their position at the cost of segments
opposed to them. In sum, Islamic orthodoxy in India is being
reinforced as much by the policies or infirmities of the governments
at the Centre and the States as by forces of radical Islam.
Even Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and
Tunisia, having realised the potential of radical elements to disrupt
the normal flow of life have now taken recourse to bolder steps to
prevent further inroads by these orthodox groupings than is the case
in India. The government at the Centre is itself so mired in vote bank
politics that Chief Ministers of States are actually able to undermine
the Centre's attempts to limit further damage by banning organisations
like SIMI (Student Islamic Movement of India). It has emboldened the
radicals to the extent that a Muslim leader in one of the provinces
actually gave a call -later denied – for setting up a Muslim Pradesh
in Western UP. Such talk would have been unthinkable a few years ago.
Here a caveat would be in order: The policies followed by the right
wing Hindu parties are not the answer to India's problems.
There is a paradox working here. India is one of the countries most
threatened by terrorism. Yet it has one of the weakest laws in the
world to deal with the menace. It is a sobering – and frightening
-thought that the great country India, potentially a world power, has
allowed itself to sink in a political quagmire whereby a person
suspected to have links with forces inimical to the well being of the
country can hypothetically become the home or defence minister of the
country or a chief minister of a state. Going by present trends, soon
it might even be possible for a person with dubious credentials to
become the Prime Minister. There do not seem to be foolproof
mechanisms in place to counter this trend. Even a constitution bench
of the Supreme Court has been constrained to point out to the
government the limit to which this process can be carried to undermine
the sanctity of the country. The Hon'ble Court would like to know from
the government that since the government has appointed ministers with
criminal cases against them to take charge of important ministries
would it then go on to appoint the Election Commissioners and even
judges with similar backgrounds? The implication being that they can
be blackmailed by elements inimical to India; some might even have
been financed by such elements. There is a deafening silence from the
government on this issue of paramount importance to national security.
The line taken by the Supreme Court is meant to serve as a wake up
call for India. Unfortunately, few people seem to have taken note of
the gravity of the situation. It explains why the government is not
able to act decisively against entities hostile to India, to the
extent that it ignores and often goes against the advice of its own
armed forces and intelligence agencies. Therefore, if one takes the
line of thinking opened up by the Honourable Supreme Court to its
logical conclusion one comes up with the dreadful deduction that today
the biggest threat to the security of India might be the political
class, full 20 per cent of whose members happen to have criminal cases
registered against them. If the percentage as given out by the
Election Commission is right then the criminal class that has entered
Parliament is perhaps one of the single largest blocks, although
affiliated to political parties across the political divide. As to why
this should be the case is to an extent explained by the excerpt that
follows. It relates to the Battle of Somme that took place in France
and Flanders eighty years ago. On that first day on the Somme, 30
British officers of the rank of lieutenant colonel or above were
killed. The excerpt below is from an international publication:
"Equality of sacrifice" is sometimes a convenient phrase, but no one
could deny it then. When the war began, the prime minister was the
Liberal, H.H. Asquith, and the Tory leader of the opposition was
Andrew Bonar Law. Both would lose sons in action. Lord Salisbury was
an earlier prime minister; five of his grandsons were killed. And
several younger Members of Parliament, including William Gladstone,
grandson of one more prime minister, joined up and were killed.
All that is a sharp contrast with a Blair government, not one of whom
has ever perfomled any kind of military service, and a Bush
administration whose senior members have never been much burdened by
any sense of private honour incurred by privilege.3 (Emphasis added).
What applies to the Blair and Bush governments in the excerpt above
can be easily applied across the board to the political class in India
with just the odd, very rare exception. Not only that, it is likely to
continue to apply to the political class in the future as well. Their
sons and daughters have better things to do than to volunteer for the
Indian armed forces. Amongst other vocations they would like to
legislate for the security of the country without having the faintest
idea as to what security is all about. Leaving the rest of the country
to fend for itself the political class cocoons itself in the security
provided by gun-toting bodyguards paid for by the exchequer,
irrespective of whether the persons so protected have a number of
murder, dacoity or rape cases pending against them. Indian democracy
is definitely on the march, in all its glory. The march is toward the
abyss.
In all other countries the political class comes together in the face
of national emergencies. In India they come together to undermine the
decisions of the highest judicial bodies in the country. In no other
country in the world are the decisions of the Supreme Court - the
final arbiter -overturned or thwarted as summarily as is presently
happening in India. One has only to study the behaviour of the
politicians after the Bombay blasts of 11 July 2006. Instead of
uniting to face a common foe, they are busy hurling missiles at each
other, going for each other's jugular. Meanwhile, their priority in
the weeks immediately following the blasts would be to yet again come
together to fight the Supreme Court rather than the terror engulfing
the land. How can the country effectively fight against the threat of
terrorism with the type of behaviour that politicians at the helm of
affairs are manifesting?
Some of the Essential Ingredients of a Successful War Against
Terrorism in India
India is facing many types of insurgencies of differing magnitudes.
This discussion is Islamic jihad specific for the simple reason that
the country's ambivalence in taking a tough stand against this threat
on its own soil stems from the size of the Muslim population on the
subcontinent, an indeterminate portion of which, going by present
trends, could fall under the sway of sophisticated hostile propaganda.
In the case of Pakistan the vast majority of the people of that
country would definitely be happy to see India go under. To a lesser
extent something similar could be happening in Bangladesh. Both these
countries are able to ferment trouble in India, putting the Government
of India on the defensive due to the enormously large Muslim
population in India – approximating 150 million or more, which would
make it not very much below half the size of the existing population
of the European Union and anywhere up to 50 per cent of the population
of the United States.
It is more important to state, however, that had the Indian
governments, since Islamic jihad first reared its ugly head nearly two
decades ago, dealt firmly with this menace ab initio well over 99 per
cent of the Muslim population would have had no difficulty in
resisting Pakistani machinations on their own. They had shown their
mettle as well as any other Indian in all the threats that India faced
up till the new century. Things took a turn for the worse after 11
September 2001 and on account of the wishy-washy policies of the
government since then. Today Hindus feel threatened by Islamic jihad.
In actual fact, the Muslim community is more threatened – because they
are threatened and abused – both psychologically and physically. They
have watched with dismay the government's inability to ward off the
sub rosa threat from Pakistan, and now Bangladesh as well. Within the
country they see the leaders across the political spectrum meekly
succumbing to the harangues of the very elements that are keeping the
Muslim community backward and pushing them towards Islamic orthodoxy.
It can be stated with near certainty that had the government or its
agencies demonstrated the ability to protect the Hurriyat leaders from
blackmail and threats from across the border quite a few of them would
have been singing a different tune. The guilt complex in the Muslim
community is engendered by the inability of the Government of India to
weed out the elements that have undermined the security of India and
the well being of the Muslim community. Whether the Act called POTA
should be restored or not is an unending controversy. The irrefutable
fact is that, "the most threatened country in the world has the least
effective counter terrorist regulations".
Note
| (1) |
Bhagavad-Gita by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, Page
220. |
| (2) |
Shekhar Gupta in The Indian Express. 15 July
2006. |
| (3) |
Geoffrey Wheatcroft "Honour and Carnage :
Battle of the Somrne" International Herald Tribune,
Saturday-Sunday, 1-2 July 2006. |
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