ost of you would recall the
stir caused when Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice generously
offered the US help to make India a "major world power", last March.
History, and of course, common sense tells us that no nation has ever
achieved greatness by external help or intervention, and that is
possibly the reason that her statement gave rise to much scepticism
and also raised hackles in India.
This statement took most of us by surprise, because
the average Indian is still preoccupied with "bijli, sadak aur pani"
when he is not worrying about "roti, kapda aur makan". We are acutely
conscious that if India is to attain the status of a major power, we
will need to overcome enormous internal challenges. And then; it will
not be with help from the USA but only by the contribution of Indians
themselves. The significance of this statement, therefore, must be
sought elsewhere; and perhaps it lies in the fact that a great deal of
in-depth research must have been undertaken by the State Department on
India's immediate and long term prospects in every field before this
unprecedented and magnanimous but one presumes, hard-headed offer was
made to us.
I quote this as an example of the change that has
come about in perceptions about India world-wide. India's steady
economic growth, her emergence as a nuclear power, our staunch
adherence to a secular democratic tradition, professional and
apolitical armed forces, the intellectual calibre of our people, and
the growing availability of a young working population; these are all
factors that contribute to a very favourable matrix which influences
external perceptions. While examining this complex matrix, I would
venture to suggest that a decisive but perhaps unstated factor which
has had a vital influence on external perceptions of India is our
maritime capability. And this capability is a function of many factors
including our geographical location, the force levels and professional
competence of the Navy, and of course, our ability to act decisively
in a crisis.
MARITIME PERSPECTIVES
Geographically speaking, India holds centre stage
in the only ocean in the world which is named after a country. Her
peninsular configuration juts out 1,500 miles into the sea and places
her at the focal point of shipping lanes which are the arteries of
world trade. Apart from other vital commodities, millions of tons of
hydrocarbons travel from the Persian Gulf and Middle East to feed the
hungry industrial and economic engines of China, Japan and many South
East Asian countries. Whether we like it or not, geography has placed
a heavy responsibility on India's shoulders and made her the natural
sentinel of these trade routes.
Nature has also given India a long, serrated
coastline studded with nearly 200 harbours, big and small which
support coastal as well as overseas trade. Off each coast we not only
have extensive island territories, but also vast exclusive economic
zones which are like treasure-houses laden with unimaginable and as
yet unexploited mineral wealth. Currently, one third of our
hydrocarbons come from offshore fields which lie in the Bombay High
and Krishna-Godavari Basins. With oil prices moving relentlessly
upwards (the recent dip notwithstanding), drilling to depths as much
as 10 km under the ocean now appears economically viable. It is,
therefore, quite likely that we may have fresh exploitable hydrocarbon
reserves off the east coast and in the Andaman Sea.
For a very long time, Indians deluded themselves
into believing that India was a continental power guarded by the
Himalayas which ruled our destiny. The truth is quite different,
because most Indians are blissfully ignorant about the fact that from
about the third millennium BC, till the 13
in energy consumption and by 2050 it is expected that India will be
the largest importer of oil in the world. A new development is our
acquisition of oil and gas fields stretching across the globe, from
Sakhalin in the Russian Far East, to Africa and South America. Apart
from the billions of dollars that we have sunk into our own offshore
assets, the investment overseas assets too will warrant some thought
for their protection in the future.
These invaluable maritime assets can in times of
tension, become liabilities which must be safeguarded at all cost. So
what kind of a maritime force do we envisage to protect these maritime
interests, and to implement our maritime strategy?
The Conceptual Underpinning of Force Planning
It is an accepted tenet that in international
relations there are neither permanent friends nor permanent enemies;
only permanent interests. The maritime force that we seek to create
is, therefore, conceived, not so much on the basis of threats to our
security, as on safeguarding our long term interests, taking into
consideration the capabilities existing in our neighbourhood and the
potential challenges they could pose. The underlying premise is that
if a capability is being acquired by a country with which we share
interests or boundaries, it could have a bearing on our security in
the future.
Lest it be said that we first acquire hardware and
then decide how to use it, we have gone to some lengths to give
cohesion to our thought process and provide a philosophic strand to
the planning exercise. Having published the Indian Maritime Doctrine
in 2004, we should have rightly worked on a Maritime Strategy, and
derived from it a basis for our Force Planning exercise. However, the
compulsions of budget and time intervened, and we had to first produce
a Maritime Capabilities Perspective Plan in 2005. It is only now that
we have at last formulated the strategy document, and hopefully on 17
October 2006 the RM will release a book entitled, Freedom of the Seas:
India's Maritime Strategy. This completes the trilogy which will
provide the intellectual underpinning for the Navy's force
architecture and operational philosophy for at least the next decade.
After clearly identifying the Navy's roles and
missions, vis-a-vis our maritime interests, and demarcating its areas
of responsibility, the essence of our planning process has been to
identify the capabilities considered necessary to discharge them
effectively.
The saying that "numbers have their own logic" is
perhaps valid; but only up to a point. Beyond that you just cannot
ignore the even more compelling logic of technology and economics. In
the 1980s we acquired guided missile destroyers at Rs. 150 crores a
piece. A current generation destroyer will cost around Rs. 1,500
crores and is unaffordable in the same numbers. But we cannot overlook
the fact that it also has a capability which is proportionately
higher, so that smaller numbers will do. At the same time, for
policing roles close to the coast you do need low-end platforms; and
these will have to be in sufficient numbers.
Having consciously decided to focus on the
“capabilities" required by us in the future, and evolved an iterative
process which took into account amongst others, the all important
budgetary factor; we find that we have considerably reduced the
numbers we had originally aimed for. We hope that we now have a
“right-sized" navy which can fulfill its assigned roles very
effectively.
Amongst the capabilities that we seek at sea are :
long-range air defence and anti-missile defence, airborne early
warning, anti-submarine warfare, anti-ship and land attack missiles,
trade-warfare, maritime reconnaissance, amphibious assault, Special
Forces, and mine counter-measures. An overarching requirement is that
of ship-borne logistics and support, which endow the fleet with long
range and endurance; or a "blue water" capability.
We are fortunate that the vision of our
predecessors created a sound warship-building base in the country.
Consequently, the platforms that we seek are largely going to be built
in Indian shipyards. In an unprecedented naval construction programme
we have on order today, 35 vessels; which include patrol boats,
landing ships, hydrographic ships, corvettes, offshore patrol vessels,
destroyers, frigates, submarines, and an aircraft carrier. In
addition, we are acquiring an aircraft carrier, three frigates, an LPD
and a tanker from abroad.
Capabilities, Forces and Philosophy
We have hoisted in the lessons of history, and are
clear in our minds that while wars may well be fought at sea, they are
finally won only on land. Therefore, it will now be an article of
faith with us that all operations by maritime forces at sea will be
designed to produce a direct or indirect impact on the land battle in
progress. All our planning will be undertaken jointly, and we hope
that it will result in an irresistible all-arms synergy.
We aim to exercise selective sea control in the
waters of the Indian Ocean by deploying task forces built around the
core of aircraft carriers with fighters, and Airborne Early Warning as
well as Anti-Submarine Warfare helicopters on board. While protecting
our own trade, sea denial operations will be undertaken by our
submarine force, working in close cooperation with missile armed
maritime reconnaissance aircraft. Closer home, our coastal forces will
undertake mine-countermeasures and the defence of offshore and onshore
assets against attack from the sea.
It is the navy's business in wartime to seek out
and destroy enemy's fleet units wherever they may be: using all means
available at its disposal. However, in order to make a palpable impact
on the land battle, there are only two options available to it.
Firstly by engaging in trade warfare or "commodity denial" operations
which will over time bring the enemy's industry and war machine to a
grinding halt. And secondly by making a direct approach to the enemy
littoral through what is called "maritime manoeuvre from the sea".
This manoeuvre aims to unbalance the enemy and to
shatter his morale and cohesion; by bringing to bear concentrated
force from the sea at a selected point on his littoral, at a time of
our own choosing. This concentrated force can , consist of a
combination of Special Forces, land-attack missiles, amphibious
assault and naval aviation, all of which we possess.
Our operational philosophy now places the highest
importance on littoral warfare, which is notionally divided into a
number of phases. Having attained "Sea Control" and/or "Sea Denial" as
required, we will then aim for "Information Dominance" which
encompasses the electronic warfare as well as information warfare
domains. This will be followed by certain "support operations" which
may be required to precede manoeuvre from the sea in all or some of
its manifestations against the littoral. In the support operations, we
will be placing heavy reliance on the availability of Indian Air Force
support at a time and place that we would indicate.
The Four Pillars of Our Strategy
Self-Reliance. Having made a very early start
in the field of indigenous ship-building, we have discovered two
things. One; that having reached a level of about 70 per cent to 80
per cent indigenisation, we have plateaued over time, and are unable
to go beyond, because we lack the capability to produce weapons and
sensors. Secondly, we find that no matter which foreign supplier we go
to, by importing systems we place ourselves at the mercy of that
country; product support is universally unreliable, they can raise
prices at will or even choke off supply whenever they feel like it. We
are now firmly of the view that there is no alternative but to develop
systems at home; and the sooner we get serious about it, the better.
Traditionally we have maintained a very close relationship with the
Defence Research and Development Organisation laboratories, three of
which are exclusively dedicated to the Navy. Our engineers and users
remain closely associated with all our Research and Development
projects, and we often commit funds to DRDO. As a manifestation of our
support, we have sometimes even accepted DRDO products which have
fallen short of Qualitative Requirements, on the understanding that
they will more than make up the shortfall in the Mark II product. We
have received torpedoes, sonars, radars, EW and communication systems
and many other products from the DRDO and look forward to the Light
Combat Aircraft (Navy) in the future. Another pioneering Navy
initiative in this context has been a three cornered tie up between
DRDO, Navy and a foreign company for joint development and
collaborative manufacture of an advanced weapon and sensor system. We
hope to replicate this model wherever necessary. We have created a
full fledged Directorate of Indigenisation which is in dialogue with
our private sector to involve their participation in our major
projects like the submarine and aircraft carrier building programmes.
Networked Operations. We find that our
platforms have weapons of formidable range, but their sensor
capabilities do not match up. Nor are widely separated units able to
know what the other is seeing or hearing. Therefore, in order to
exploit the full potential of our surface, submarine and airborne
platforms, it is essential that they are networked with each other and
with shore operation centres. We will then have a composite picture of
what every one of our platforms can detect by radar, sonar and
electronic warfare devices, conveyed through the medium of a
geostationary communications satellite dedicated to naval use. This
would then establish what is known as "sensor to shooter" connectivity
over long distances, and act as a tremendous force multiplier. We have
adopted an incremental approach and a basic networking system,
developed in-house, is already in place on most of our ships and
aircraft. The main network-centric operations project is a complex
task and will take some time to evolve and implement. We aim to have
compatibility between the systems of the three Services.
Foreign Cooperation. It is because we already
had a level of mutual comfort with navies in the area that we could
undertake humanitarian operations successfully during the tsunami, and
more recently during the Lebanon crisis. The lesson that emerges is
that in order to ensure the success of our operations at sea, it is
essential to shape the maritime environment carefully in peace. It is,
therefore, obvious that foreign cooperation is going to be a major
preoccupation of the Navy in peacetime. The Ministry of External
Affairs is now cognisant that the Navy is an important instrument of
State policy and it must be used as such whenever necessary. In this
context, working closely with them, we have drawn up a Foreign
Cooperation Roadmap which is being systematically implemented by a
dedicated organisation within Naval Headquarters. We are focusing on
countries in our maritime neighbourhood and evolving programmes which
envisage assistance and/or cooperation in the fields of training,
hydrographic survey, technical expertise or hardware transfer.
Exercises and joint-patrolling are other features of our foreign
cooperation initiative.
Doctrine and Concepts. While countries will
eagerly sell us platforms and systems, no amount of money will make
them part with doctrines or tactical and operational concepts. In any
case we need to develop these to suit our own peculiar conditions and
environment. Since we import much of our hardware, for good reasons,
our system of doctrine evolution has always lagged behind the
introduction of systems into service. In order to streamline this
process, we have in the recent past set up a number of institutions
which will provide the intellectual underpinning for our long term
policies and plans, and synergise maritime doctrine, and strategy with
force planning and acquisitions. To this end, we have put in place,
the National Maritime Foundation, an autonomous think-tank, a
Directorate of Strategy Concepts and Transformation in NHQ, and very
recently a Flag Officer Doctrines and Concepts in the field. Apart
from induction of high technology, we foresee many other changes being
ushered into the Navy in the next few years. A major one will be the
enhancement of educational qualifications, including a BTech degree
for all officers in the new Naval Academy. We are a conservative
Service, and "management of change" will by itself pose a considerable
challenge. In order to confront it, we have evolved what we are
calling a "Transformation Roadmap", which we hope will ensure smooth
sailing this somewhat difficult period.
Role of Aviation
The Indian Navy has been a staunch advocate of air
power at sea, and our 53 year old Fleet Air Arm is today, the size of
small air force. Every ship over 1,000 tons can carry one or more
helicopters. Such is the primacy and importance of air support at sea
that maritime operations without it are inconceivable today.
For our surface fleet, the missile threat, both
from armed maritime reconnaissance aircraft and submarines is all
pervasive. Again, in the context of the littoral, maritime operations
would have to be undertaken in the face of shore-based air opposition.
The detection and neutralization of such threats is often best
achieved by airborne platforms. Air operations at sea include air-defence,
anti-missile defence, AEW, anti-shipping and shore strike, ASW,
air-submarine cooperation, and maritime reconnaissance. Our future
acquisition plans cater for accretion and upgradation of these
capabilities.
The dramatic growth of the IAF capabilities has
been viewed by the Navy with great delight and anticipation. We are
acutely aware that in the years ahead Naval Aviation is going to be
spread thin over the Indian Ocean and aircraft carriers cannot be
everywhere at the same time. In such circumstances, we look to the IAF
support, not just for anti-shipping strike but also in certain
circumstances, for air defence. The capabilities of the Su-30,
especially with air-air refuelling give us great comfort at sea, and
our maritime strategy will indeed bank on their support.
We are quite clear in our minds that the IAF is the
fountainhead of aviation knowledge and expertise in the country, since
this is their core competence. The Navy has been the beneficiary of
the IAF support and assistance in many spheres in the recent past; our
Sea Harrier pilots regularly hone their air combat skills with Tactics
and Air Combat Development Establishment (TACDE). They have recently
been taught the art of in-flight refuelling by the IAF instructors. We
received invaluable advice and guidance from Air Headquarters during
negotiations for the MiG-29K, and we plan that this carrier-borne
squadron will always have 2 to 3 IAF pilots on exchange posting.
Let me, however, add that just as we believe that maritime power by
itself cannot win wars, we are sceptical about the pronouncements of
Guilo Douhet and Billy Mitchell. We are quite clear that we will not
be seduced by the siren song of air power. It can shock, it can awe,
it can be decisive in battle, but it cannot win wars by itself. This
is the lesson of history from World War II, Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan
and now Lebanon. So, for the Navy, air power will remain one of the
arrows in its quiver–albeit a very potent one.