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Naxalism in India : Framework
for Conflict Resolution
Lieutenant General Madan Gopal, PVSM, AVSM and Bar (Retd)
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T he Naxalite peasant movement
which started from the unknown non-descript village of Naxalbari in
North Bengal in the late 1960s, has now become a powerful militant
movement engulfing 170 districts in 15 States. In over 55 districts,
naxalites and the People's War Group (PWG) or Maoists or Left Wing
Extremists (LWE) as they may be called, run parallel governments.
While the LWEs have assumed a Robin Hood mantle, they often behave
more like hoodlums resorting to extortion, kidnappings for ransom and
dastardly acts of violence. The philosophy of upliftment of the poor
through a mass movement has more-or-less degenerated into a game of
power and money.
Until very recently, this movement did not occupy
centre-stage among India's National Security priorities as its power
and reach had not been appreciated. Its exponential growth had been
ignored and it was generally relegated to a mere localised political
and law and order problem best left to the concerned State Governments
to resolve. The problem can no longer be brushed under the carpet. The
merger of the various maoist groups, its membership of Co-ordination
Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA)
and some other militant organisations in South Asia, is an indictor of
its threat to our national security.
The Centre has finally acknowledged that this is a
national problem. The Prime Minister in his last Independence day
address, mentioned the grave danger of the growth of naxalism and
asked the State Governments to focus on speedy welfare and development
of tribals who might otherwise provide the cadres for the naxalites.
The first Standing Committee of Chief Ministers of the affected States
met in September 2005 to plan coordinated efforts and in March 2006, a
Status Paper on the subject was tabled in the Parliament by the Home
Minister.
The first step towards the resolution of any
problem is to recognise that there is a problem. The Central
Government has, thus, taken the first step by acknowledging that this
is a national problem. A 14 point policy has been enunciated to deal
with the menace. This includes a promise that they will deal firmly
with naxalites who indulge in violence and will not have peace talks
unless they give up violence, socio-economic development issues will
be addressed, states will coordinate their efforts, local resistance
groups will be promoted, mass media will be utilised to publicise the
futility and violence of the naxal endeavour, and funds will be
provided to State governments to modernise their police, and to
provide them with sophisticated weaponry, etc.
The conflict resolution approach as enunciated by
the Home Minister appears ideal. However, as we have seen in the past,
implementation of such grandiose plans and utopian dreams go awry and
remain at best on paper. If we are to succeed in bringing down the
levels of activities of LWE in the concerned States to manageable
levels, we must deliver what we promise. Areas where we need to focus
and ensure implementation with a religious zeal for mission
accomplishment are enunciated in succeeding paragraphs.
Dealing with Naxalism
'Naxalism is not the problem; rather it is the
symptom of a problem'. Why doesn't naxalism flourish in the markets of
Gujarat, the fields of Punjab or in the IT parks of Gurgaon and
Hyderabad? Why is Maoism ideology succeeding in Nepal when it is
failing in China? The answer is obvious. In the places that LWE
succeeds, people are relatively poor, they face oppression by certain
segments of society, the government is indifferent to their plight and
there are little prospects that things will get better in the future.
On the other hand LWE fails when the reverse is true.
To eliminate naxalism, it is not enough to
eliminate their leaders, imprison their rank and file or arrange for
mass surrenders of men and weapons. You do all of that and you can
still fail; new leaders will rise, the cadres will return and weapons
are easy enough to get (sometimes from the same ordnance factories
that supply the Indian Army, as the recent arms seizure in Bengal
indicates).
To truly eliminate naxalism we must undercut their
raison d'etre, their reason for being. Remember while their methods
may be abhorrent, most of their goals (apart from overthrowing the
government) are not. Therefore, we must fulfill their goals for them.
If they have nothing to fight for, they won't fight.
Although a centralised control i.e., a unified
Headquarters or some such organisation may be ideal in our context, it
may not be feasible since law and order is a State subject, as also
States have their own political dynamics. Notwithstanding this
problem, since coordination is vital, it is essential that a Central
agency, say, Ministry of home Affairs (MHA), oversees the operations
to ensure that the activity of one State does not jeopardise the
operations of the other. A centralised control is essential to:-
| (a) |
Coordinate intelligence gathering, evaluation
and dissemination. |
| (b) |
Allocation of
resources, mainly additional funds for modernisation of police
forces and development activities in the affected areas,
allocation of Central Police Organisation (CPO) resources,
training with the Army, and provision of specialised equipment,
and so on. |
| (c) |
Coordinate and
monitor development activities to include basic infrastructure
development in the backward, under developed naxal affected
areas. |
Developmental Activities
The basic solution to countering LWE is by
addressing the grievances of the poor. As we are all aware, the Naxals
have flourished mostly in areas where disparities between the rich and
poor are high and injustice is rampant. In India, barely 1.3 per cent
of land has been redistributed amongst the poor; in China it is about
43 per cent. Land reforms are urgent as also improvement in standards
of education, employment, social security and a matching but
controlled infrastructure development. Funds allocated for
developmental activities should be judiciously spent, not eaten away.
Close monitoring and transparency is essential. It all boils down to
effective and efficient governance. In West Bengal, the situation was
controlled because of the efficient socio-economic programme. In
Andhra Pradesh, the Centre's anti poverty programme, is working
closely with the State Government's policies. Similarly, there are
other examples.
Deployment and Employment of State Police
While socio-economic upliftment is the ultimate
cure, one cannot brush aside the importance of an efficient and
effective police organisation to put adequate pressure on the LWE
organisation to force them either to surrender or approach and adopt
the path of a negotiated settlement. If that be so, there is a
definite need to vastly enhance the quality of the State police force
as also review their deployment and employment. In all cases where the
LWE had an upper hand over the police forces, be it in genuine
encounters, attack on police posts, jails or ambushes, it was clearly
apparent that the police forces were ill equipped, poorly trained,
posts were guarded in a most casual manner, personal security was
totally wanting and movement of the forces in vintage transport on
known and predictable roads and tracks was the cause. In addition, in
most of the affected areas, there were very few police posts or none
at all.
Therefore, if the State police have to emerge as
winners, a revamp is definitely needed. Foremost, States must
distinguish between personnel to be employed for protective operations
against the LWE and those to be employed for normal law and order
duties. The specialised Greyhounds force has already been set up in
Andhra Pradesh. Other affected states should also do so. The other
suggested measures are as under:-
| (a) |
Establishment of self sufficient and
adequately secure police posts in a grid pattern. Such a
deployment will also instill confidence amongst the locals,
primarily among those who do not support the movement and the
fence sitters. |
| (b) |
Provision of reliable communications, and
radio as standby. |
| (c) |
Mobility. |
| (d) |
Modern equipment and clothing. |
| (e) |
Training to imbibe a high standard of
discipline and motivation. |
| (f) |
Non partisan attitude among the police force. |
| (g) |
A good logistic support for the police
forces, not forgetting a lucrative allowance, and most important
a reliable medical back up and terminal benefits for fatal or
invalid cases. |
Local Resistance Groups
Such groups need to be created since it is the
innocent local populace that is bearing the brunt of the atrocities
sometimes even from the police and government officials. It is easier
said than done, as organisations like the Ranbir Sena and others have
not served their purpose. As a matter of fact, they are a liability,
have suffered large casualties becoming identified with certain
interest groups and deterring the populace from joining the
resistance. We need to motivate the locals to get together and form
such groups. The state should provide the necessary wherewithal and if
feasible appear to be totally non-involved for obvious reasons.
Some form of 'Home and Hearth' concept of
Territorial Army (TA) units should be experimented with. It will
generate jobs as also provide local defence. We could even use them in
special roles like ecological protection, etc. to give impetus to the
local economy. Local Resistance Groups will only succeed when
developmental measures are fruitful and the locals begin to have
confidence in the Government and conversely get dissatisfied with and
disown the Naxalites. It may be worth experimenting if some of the Non
Government Organisations (NGO) can work with the locals in the tribal
areas in developing local skills which give scope for self employment
and resource generation.
Psychological Warfare
The crux of psychological warfare is to make the
target audience think and act the way you want. In this case, wean
away the bulk of the local population including the cadre members, to
make them believe in the futility of the movement and the benefits of
being part of the accepted democratic system. To start with, I would
suggest distribution of mini transistor and TVs to the people, and
have local FM broadcasts with adequate healthy entertainment and
psychological themes. All this will work best if the propaganda themes
match with development activities taking shape. In this aspect, media
in all its forms can play a major role. We need to take the media into
confidence and brief them to ensure that the Robin Hood image of the
extremists is not overplayed.
In order to avoid falling into the trap of
believing our own propaganda, let us track the things that matter. In
the districts where LWE exists or where it could spread, we should
monitor indicators such as per capita income, literacy rates,
percentage of college graduates, as well as, crimes against women, and
the underprivileged. Improve the first three indicators, reduce
incidents of injustice and soon naxalism will be history.
Surrender Policy
The naxalites should be given a democratic space
for self expression and should be encouraged to come over-ground. The
Central Government's stated policy in a Status Paper that there will
be no peace talks with the naxalites until they give up arms is,
therefore, not very fair. After all, the Centre is holding talks with
Nagas and other insurgent groups. A year ago, the Andhra Pradesh Chief
Minister lifted the ban on the LWEs and held talks with them. The
party got a roaring public reception on their way out of the forest to
Hyderabad but the talks failed because even reasonable demands of the
naxalites about recovering pubic lands illegally grabbed, were not
conceded. If the Government is serious about tackling the naxalites, a
proper surrender package for them should be worked out, cases against
those who want to join mainstream society should be withdrawn, and
villagers should be taken into confidence. A surrender policy should
be job oriented and lucrative and the persons who surrender should be
protected. The benefit should be directly proportional to the number
of years an extremist has put in the organisation.
SUMMATION
The Maoists of Nepal are joining mainstream
politics, though some ground has yet to be covered. How did this
volte-face take place? Simple; once the King lost his autocratic
power, which was one of the main demands of the Maoists, peace more or
less, has returned to the Himalayan country. Therefore, to summarise,
it is but obvious, that once the basic demands of any organisation
indulging in such activities are met, normalcy can be assured. In our
context, it is to our advantage that the LWE in India are not seeking
secession nor do they have strong links with foreign militant groups.
The obvious solution is that elected governments, in the affected
states, develop these areas, keeping local sensitivities in mind
without indulging in partisan politics. Once this happens, we will
soon see the light at the end of the tunnel.
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Lieutenant General Madan Gopal, PVSM, AVSM and Bar (Retd)
is a former Director General of Military Operations. |

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