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Turkey's Relations with
Central Asian Countries

His Excellency Mr Halil Akinci

Common historical, linguistic and cultural Turkish ties with Central Asian countries have served as a valuable foundation for the development of close relations. Turkish engagement with the region over the past decade, while western attention was lacking, has proved to be vital in many respects. By extending political and diplomatic support to these newly independent countries, at a time they were particularly weak and vulnerable, Turkey has helped them integrate with the international community, join various international and regional organisations and thus, consolidate their independence and sovereignty. Turkey has also helped them surmount the grave economic hardships resulting from the dissolution of highly centralised command economy of erstwhile Soviet Union, and become self-sufficient, through economic assistance and grants to the best of her abilities.

Overall

According to the figures of 2005, between 1992 and 2005 (Refer Chart 1 attached)

(a)

Turkey has provided $ 1.2 billion in credits to these countries.

(b) Turkey's total annual trade with these countries is approximately $ 2.76 billion.
(c)

More than 2500 Turkish firms operate in the region.

(d)

Turkish companies have invested more than $ 5 billion in the region excluding construction.

(e)

Turkish companies have realised about $ 14 billion of construction projects.

Turkey has extended significant military assistance and training to enable them counter threats to their security and independence and has not left these countries to their fate, while the political price for seeking security assistance from other sources have been high.

Turkey has provided a large scholarship grant to Central Asian countries. Since 1992, over 21,000 scholarships have been awarded to students from the region. Of these, over 14,000 were used (Refer Chart 2 attached). Currently, nearly 3,000 Central Asian students continue their education in Turkey on these scholarships. There are 269 Turkish schools in these countries including eight universities (Refer Chart 3 attached).

The support given by Turkey has not been pre-conditioned upon the progress in democratisation and market reform, with the belief that democratic institutions would develop gradually as stability enhances and restructuring of the states improve. The support provided by Turkey may seem modest compared to declared economic aid and grants of western countries. However, it proved to be precious to the newly independent states of the region as it has contributed to the creation of a sense of belonging and self confidence in these countries. Central Asia constitutes a major priority in Turkish Foreign Policy, adding a new dimension to the Turkish foreign policy.

Linguistic Ties

Turkish language belongs to Ural Altaic group of languages, such as Hungarian, Finnish, and Mongolian etc. as distinct from Indo-European languages. It is an agglunative language where words can change meaning and grammatical function by addition of suffixes. Thus, sentences can be formed in one word. The oldest known agglunative language is Sumerian. It has a similar grammar and some common words exist between the two languages, which had preserved their original meaning. For example, the Turkish word in its softened form in Anatolian Turkish “Tand” is “Dingir” (pronounced “Dingi”) in Sumerian and it has the same meaning as “God” and it is “Tenir” in Kyrgyz Turkish.1 Sumerian word “Ki” means earth and Turkish word “kisi” means man and the same word has the same meaning in all Turkish dialects ranging from Azerbaijani Turkish to Uygur dialect.2

The Turkish language is divided into several dialects in two groupings: Western and Eastern dialects. There are scholars that claim these dialects have grown into different languages. However, given the fact that cadets from Central Asian countries studying at a Turkish war college can master university level Turkish in a few months, this argument does not seem to be sustainable. On the other hand, this approach was espoused by the erstwhile Soviet regime to drive a wedge between Turkish nations. So while the name of a dictionary published in 1929 at Baku was “Russian-Turkish”, in the later editions in line with Stalin’s new nationalities policy, it became “Russian-Azerbaijani” dictionary.3 Moreover, changes in pronunciation cannot be construed as a proof of another language. For example, when you change the “y” sound with a “c” or a “j” sound, you start understanding another Turkish dialect. As in the case of yol, yul (road) is jol and col in Kazakh and Kyrgyz dialects. A dictionary compiled in 1071 by Mahmud of Kasghar covering 7,099 root words and 17,500 entries to teach Arabs the Turkish language includes all the mutually comprehensible dialects of Turkish which existed at the time. It can still serve as a guide to the commonality of the Turkish language. Moreover, 15th-century Timurid poet Ali Sir Nevai, a strong defender of “Turk Tili” (Turkish Language) was easily understood by the Turkish speaking intellectuals from Sinkiang to the Balkans.

Ethnic Ties

Some Turks, mainly Kipchaks, started to settle in the Caucasus and Balkans earlier, mostly after being employed by some Asian and Byzantine rulers as mercenaries.4 However, major Turkish emigration from Central Asia, first to Iran and further West, started from 8th to 11th centuries. This emigration wave also spread to other Muslim lands–Iraq and Syria–parallel to Turkish emigrations to India to establish various states. The battle of the Malazgirt in the year 1071, where East Roman Emperor Diogenes was defeated by The Seljuk Emperor Alp Aslan, triggered a turning point in the final settlement of Turks in the region and particularly Anatolia. Most of the Turks settled in Anatolia belonged to the 24 tribes of Oghuz. However, part of these tribes decided to stay in their ancient homelands.5

Gibbon in his famous book “History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” gives ample information about early Turkish migrations to the West. He refers to “Emigration of the Turks or Hungarians”6, “Origin and Monarchy of the Turks in Asia”7, their Relations with Romans,8 “Seljuks, who finally settled in the Middle East and Anatolia”.9 However, these population movements continued to and fro throughout the centuries until the 18th century.

Here, we have to note that ethnicity did not and does not play a significant role in the foundation of Turkish nation and tribes. On the contrary, it was customary to adopt the children born from foreign pregnant women prisoners of war as their own. All the Turks, who emigrated, mixed with local populations. The only prerogative of these interactions was that the locals should adopt Turkish and later Islamic Turkish customs. So Turks are one of the few nations, whose formation was around a language rather than common ethnic roots.

Historical Ties

The first common Turkish State universally accepted, i.e. by all Turks who identify themselves as such at present time extending from Far East to the Mediterranean, is Göktiirk (Blue Turk) or Grand Turkish Kaganate. Orhun Valley inscriptions in North West Mongolia written in original runic Turkish alphabet are also accepted as the first complete literary texts as apart from grave stone inscriptions. Since it is customary with the Turks to fight amongst themselves first, as they saw the other Turk as the most dangerous adversary and only then unite around the victor and fight against common enemies, it is hard to find a commonly recognised historical state after the Göktiirk. One telling example of this attitude is Timur’s expedition to West to destroy the Ottoman Sultan Beyazit without intending to occupy Ottoman lands, before turning to other enemies.

Turkish Policy Towards Central Asian Republics

There was and is still an element of sentimentality in Turkish approach to Central Asian Republics. As the citizens of the only Turkish state that was independent for a long time we always felt an obligation towards our brethren in the East to liberate them from what we conceived as their “enslavement”. This feeling was strongest towards Azerbaijan, but we were not less enthusiastic about Turkistan our motherland. In the end, liberation happened by itself with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Our sentiments of the day are best -described by an Italian journalist with whom a Turkish delegation, which was sent to Central Asia on a study tour prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union to sound out about future plans of Central Asian Republics in September 1991, happened to share the same flight from Dushanbe to Askhabad. He describes the attitude of a member of the Turkish Delegation as such: “I find his analysis interesting, but still more interesting to me is the pride and determination with which this Turkish gentleman is working to give his country a major role in this region that once belonged to it. I have the impression of a man who feels at home here, one who is on his way to keep an appointment that has been delayed for decades, but who is sure that he will still find someone waiting for him.”10

However, the Government was also very careful not to antagonise the Soviets (Read Russians) for we had realised it was a strategic necessity for Turkey to start the second stage of our relations with a powerful neighbour. From good neighbourly to friendly relations and with whom we had just signed a treaty, article 16 of which envisaged “the Soviet state would encourage development of relations of Turkey with the Soviet Republics”. At the same time, economic relations were going ahead mainly based on 1984 gas agreement which stipulated 70 per cent of the payments for the gas bought to be effectuated through provision of Turkish goods and services. Thus, Turkish consumer goods were finding their way to the vast Soviet market and more importantly, Turkish contractors had started to build in the Soviet Union putting an end to Finnish and Yugoslav cornering major share of the market.

Turkish Policy Principles

At the time of their independence, we had identified the following principles for our approach to Central Asian countries.

(a)

To contribute to the strengthening of their independence and sovereignty, particularly by assisting in state building. In the period 1992­95, when the world was suspicious about the sustainability of their independence, Turkey poured in direct assistance. Turkish International Cooperation Agency was established with the primary objective of assisting Central Asian countries. Dozens of seminars and educational programmes were organised for basic training of civil servants ranging from customs officers to diplomats. Moreover, army officers started to receive education and training in Turkish Military Academies and Institutions.

(b)

To assist these countries to become self sufficient and to carry out political and economic reforms. Turkish Exim Bank started doling out substantial credits with special emphasis on the projects that would help in the development of their basic industries such as textiles increasing the value added and thus, reversing the negative terms of trade to their favour. Again, training programmes were introduced in finance, fiscal governance, privatisation etc. Foundation of political parties and their contacts with Turkish political parties emerged.

(c)

To promote their integration with the outside world including through membership in international organisations and providing unhindered direct access to world markets. They were encouraged to promptly establish diplomatic ties with other states of the world. Turkish embassies were instructed to provide them with assistance in establishing these ties to the extent that at the initial stages some diplomatic representations of these countries were housed in Turkish diplomatic missions. Joint efforts were undertaken to make them members of international organisations.11 Attempts were made to revive the old Silk Road through promotion of bilateral and multilateral transport agreements. Particular emphasis was placed for the export of their hydrocarbons. Plans were drawn for the pipelines for export of Turkmen gas through Iran and the Caspian via Azerbaijan to Turkey as well as for Kazakh oil through Caspian. Plans were laid to build Baku Tbilisi Kars railway connection to provide direct access to European railway system through Turkey.

(d)

To develop our bilateral relations in all fields on the basis of mutual interest and to strengthen our ties, particularly in the cultural field, Turkish Embassies were the first to be established in five Central Asian Republics. Hundreds of bilateral agreements were signed in various fields. Non-existent trade started to flourish. Efforts towards devising a common alphabet based on Latin alphabet started.12 A congress was convened in Baku to this end. Turkish schools started to operate in these countries. To promote better understanding amongst them, the first Turkish Speaking Countries Summit was organised in Istanbul in 1992.

Achievements

Central Asian States have taken very significant steps in nation building process as well as in economic development by opening their countries for foreign investment and diversifying their commercial relations with various countries besides their traditional economic ties with Russia.

Turkey’s trade and economic ties with these countries far outweigh its overall place in the world trade as a whole. For instance, Turkey is the third investor country in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. Turkish companies contribute to the 10 per cent of GDP of Turkmenistan. 60 per cent of constructions in Astana, new capital of Kazakhstan, have materialised by the Turkish firms. Turkey is the third trade partner of Azerbaijan and is among the primary trade partners of Uzbekistan. The Grand Project of the early nineties, Baku-Tbilisi- Ceyhan pipeline, has been completed. Azerbaijani oil flowing through this pipeline will be joined by Kazakh oil. Another pipeline planned between Samsun to Ceyhan will also carry additional Central Asian oil to world markets. Furthermore, when Turkey accelerates its economic development it will be in a better position to further contribute in diversification and increase of economic exchanges and intercourse with the region.

Since independence of the Caucasian and Central Asian countries, more than14,000 students have studied in Turkey. There are 269 Turkish educational institutions in these countries, some of which are sponsored by the Turkish government (refer Chart 3 attached). Two Universities, Ahmet Yesevi in Kazakhstan and Manas in Kyrgyzstan have been built directly by the Turkish Government at a cost exceeding 100 million US dollars. Most of the annual administrative expenses of these two institutions are still met by the Turkish Government. These institutions are well respected. Besides, many of the military officers of these countries are educated in the Turkish Military academies or trained by the Turkish officers in their own countries. In addition, some common cultural monuments including great Sufi Ahmet Yesevi’s Tomb in Kazakhstan and last grand Seljuk Emperor Sultan Sancar’s Tomb in Turkmenistan have been restored by Turkey.

The Process of Summits of Turkish Speaking Countries

The process of 'Summits of Turkish Speaking Countries' brings together Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Azerbaijan at the highest level. The next Summit is to be organised in Antalya, Turkey this fall. The purpose of the Summit is to facilitate exchange of opinion at the highest level on major international questions and on matters of multilateral cooperation. It is not an organisation as such but a consultative process.

Problems

These nations were used to living under Soviet umbrella which, while oppressing them also provided protection from external and internal threats. After independence they were obliged to cope with the challenges of nation building, new security threats and sustainable development. Moreover, all these challenges had to be met and dealt with in an atmosphere of exposure to external influences. Integration with the rest of the world, which meant participation of external actors that were alien to the region and who were determined to impose their way of doing things for accepting new members to the family of nations of the new world order. In other words, if the East wanted to meet the West, it had to be on western terms.

Prior to the Russian rule, people used to identify themselves with their attachment to their families, clans or sometimes religious faith. The establishment of republics under the Soviet rule rendered the situation more complex. Artificial boundaries caused division among local peoples. A policy of “national engineering” was put into practice.

All Central Asian countries have certain minorities. Such national minorities cause concern and tension in intra-regional relations. There are Russians in these Republics, mostly in Kazakhstan, Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan and Tajiks in Uzbekistan.

Ethnic mix of former Soviet states and the tradition inherited from Soviet “Nationalities Policy” which favoured lesser ethnic groups against larger ones made nation building difficult and encouraged separatism. Moreover, the discrepancies between ethnic and political boundaries carried the danger of clashes. The first response of leadership to these challenges was maintenance of authoritarian regimes and strengthening of central authority. Second response was to seek security through regional organisations. However, new security threats have led them to seek supplementary remedies. In the immediate aftermath of independence, these countries embraced the idea of regional integration as a strategy to ensure development and economic independence and to solve their common social and environmental problems. However, it soon became clear that dissimilarities between them outweigh the similarities.

Although countries of the region share the same geography, a common history and similar cultural traits, they do not-constitute a monolithic entity. They differ greatly in size of territory, population, ethnic characteristics, levels of developments, per capita GDP, defence capability and resource endowment. Present state borders of these countries are artificially drawn without regard to ethnic settlements, resulting in a complex topography. The Ferghana valley is a typical example. In Batken region of Kyrgyzstan for instance, two enclaves belong to Uzbekistan and one to Tadjikistan, which prevent a Kyrgyz citizen to travel between major cities of their country without entering foreign countries. A further example is that in winter one can travel from Dushanbe to Hojent in Tadjikistan only via Uzbekistan.

Demarcation of state borders is ongoing between these Republics and causes tensions sometimes. The-unresolved legal status of Caspian Sea, which is vital for exploitation and transportation of energy resources, constitutes yet another dispute. Disputes exist over water and energy resources and mutual dependence as regards water resources and energy is another source of instability. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are rich in water resources while Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are rich in oil and natural gas. Uzbekistan is dependent upon Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan for water supplies, while Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are dependent upon Uzbekistan for natural gas. Regional countries don’t hesitate to cut supplies in case a dispute arises over payments. Distribution of natural resources, water supplies, transport systems etc. dictate unhindered economic cooperation amongst these states.

External Actors

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia has been exposed to the influence and competition of major powers due to its geo-strategic location and vast supplies of raw materials, especially natural gas and oil. It is for the benefit of those countries to develop relations with all their neighbours as well as with the leading powers (the USA, Russia, the EU, China, Japan etc.). Russia’s influence on Central Asia has a long history extending over a millennium and she has developed close relations of historical, cultural and geopolitical nature with Central Asian countries. China is a contiguous neighbour of the Central Asian states. It has a long border, mostly in Xinjiang (Uyghur Autonomous Regions) with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan and is influenced by the developments in the region. China due to her strategic interests in the region, which includes strengthening security cooperation and stability, extending economic and trade relations and acquiring energy resources, is keen on developing cooperation with Central Asian countries. China and Russia as major economic and military powers, play a leading role in Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), set up for enhancing multilateral cooperation in strengthening regional security. The USA, developed her relations with Central Asian countries since their independence and the region's priority in the US foreign policy especially increased after 11 September 2001 incident and military campaign in Afghanistan. The US strategic aims include cooperation in fighting terrorism.

As long as the Central Asian states develop balanced multilateral relations with their close neighbours and with other countries seeking cooperation in pursuance of their national interests without allowing one of the external actors to dominate their policies, their relations with major powers will yield positive results for their economic prosperity as well as for regional stability and security.

The Central Asian states have their own political, socio-economic and cultural characteristics and phases for development. Therefore, attempts to impose models of political or economic systems on those countries may have severe destabilising consequences threatening regional and global security. The Central Asian countries will pass through their own nation-building processes moving towards democracy and liberal economy. The external actors should avoid enforcing models for influencing the political and economic dynamics in those countries.

Turkey encourages Central Asian countries to enhance friendly relations with their neighbours as well as other countries, to expand their multilateral and bilateral relations, and to play an active role in international organisations. However, the prosperity of those countries depends primarily on strengthening cooperation and solving of disputes among themselves. The development of regional cooperation in Central Asia, is the key for their success.

Prospects In The Region

Central Asia is a large area, roughly twice the European continent (4 million km2); but its population is relatively small (57 million). Geographically, the region is land-locked, with difficult access routes and it is in a geo-strategically important location neighbouring Russia, China and Afghanistan. The Central Asian countries possess vast energy resources. Turkmenistan has sufficient natural gas reserves which can be exported by pipelines not only to Russia but also to western countries. Kazakhstan’s oil reserves are exploited by major multinational companies and Russia is still one of the major consumers of Kazakh oil. The agreement to export Kazakh oil via a pipeline crossing the Caspian sea and reaching the Baku terminal has already been signed, in order to transport it by Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan pipeline to Europe. In fact, the natural resources of Central Asia are also sufficient to be exported to the South Asian market. But, a pipeline from Turkmenistan via Afghanistan and Pakistan to India seems to be a very risky project taking into consideration the instability and security threats in Afghanistan. Afghanistan still does not have a strong central authority and the political system in the country is very fragile. Taliban is still a major destabilising factor.

With respect to India one has to underline that India has historical relations and deep roots with the Central Asian countries. Turkish dynasties that have ruled India and the trade via the silk route established strong ties between India and Central Asia. It is without doubt ideal for India and Central Asian states to exchange technology for natural resources. India as one of the world’s fastest growing economies is increasingly dependent on imported energy, whereas Central Asian countries need technology and know how for their economic development. However, it would be difficult to have bilateral cooperation due to the regional unfavourable conditions, emanating mainly from the instability in Afghanistan. On the other hand, Pakistan would not be a hindrance for India’s cooperation with Central Asian states. Pakistan has vested interests as a transit route between India and Central Asia. Therefore, both countries can benefit from expanding cooperation with Central Asian countries. Moreover, there is great scope for Indian-Turkish cooperation in the area. The experience that Turkish firms
have accumulated over the years in the area will greatly contribute to the success of joint ventures, some of which are already underway.

Religious Extremism

Religious extremism is considered as one of the major threats to security in Central Asia by some scholars especially after the rise of “Islamic” terrorism in the last few years. These fears were based both on the internal dynamics within the Central Asian Republics and on the influence from the countries situated in the South and South West of the region.

We cannot talk of any serious religious extremist threat in Central Asia, perhaps with the exception of Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan. The Central Asian governments are all secular and the leadership is sensitive towards religious extremism. As a matter of fact, all the people in Central Asia follow the Sunni sect of Islam. Propaganda could not take any root even in Azerbaijan, a Caucasian Turkish state where the majority of the population is shi’ite. This is due to the interpretation of Islamic religion by the Turkish people which has never been in a fundamentalist manner. Following their acceptance of Islam in the 9th century, Turks combined their shamanistic traditions with the Islamic teaching. Therefore, the way they practice religion does not give any space to fundamentalist approaches. In Tajikistan, where people speak Dari, the same language Persian (Farsi) of Iran, the religious extremism could not be disseminated. Therefore, religious extremism cannot be mentioned as a challenge to the Central Asian states.

Conclusion

Turkey is a pivotal country in this large area not only with its geography, but its history and its modern and progressive mentality as well. Its strategic importance in the area is not simply a derivative of its geographical location. Its level of development, its alliances and the relations that encompass political, economic, military, cultural spheres, it has cultivated in the area over the years are all components of its strategic value (Turkey is among the first 20 countries in the world in terms of national income).

Sentimental element in Turkey’s approach to these countries makes it a neutral if not benevolent partner to them. Turkey wishes for their rapid development. Its economic stake in developing relations with Central Asian countries, although not negligible, is not of paramount importance. However, their consolidation of independence, economic development, progress in nation building and integration with the world remain Turkey's main policy goals. There is no doubt that the existence of strong, stable states in Central Asia is an inseparable component of stability-in the whole Eurasian region.

Turkey encourages Central Asian countries to cultivate friendly relations with their neighbours. However, we believe that development of relations, side stepping or solving of problems that exist, amongst themselves is the most important element of their stability and economic welfare. They should bear in mind that Central Asia is a single economic space and reaping the benefits of their economies is dependent on the degree of cooperation they achieve.

It is not by accident that the first ever Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) and Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) mission established in Georgia in 1992, was led by a Turkish diplomat and later two other Turkish diplomats headed the OSCE offices in Tashkent and Bishkek and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) Secretary General’s Special Representative in Afghanistan is presently a former Turkish Foreign Minister. Turkey strives to bring East and West closer to each other in every aspect. Although many of these countries are faced with serious political and economic challenges, there are promising trends. Especially regional economic cooperation schemes deserve attention: projects such as revitalisation of the ancient. Silk Road and the establishment of an East-West Energy and Transportation Corridor are worth mentioning.
 

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His Excellency Mr Halil Akinci is the Ambassador of Turkey in India.

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