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The coming decades are likely to be as volatile as
in the recent past, with our potential adversaries likely to confront
us with conventional as well as unconventional means. The instability
in our neighbourhood and extended area of interest will impinge,
directly or indirectly, upon India's security. The pace of change, in
the future, is likely to increase for a number of reasons. Technology
is rapidly changing and if the armed forces do not absorb it at the
same rate, they are likely to be left behind. Great changes are also
taking place in our society. Being a part of the society, all societal
changes will have a profound effect on the structures and functions of
the armed forces.
In keeping with technological and societal changes, war fighting has
been undergoing a rapid transformation in means as well as the ends.
Traditional war fighting concepts of capturing territory and
destruction of military forces or strategic resources are increasingly
becoming less relevant in modem warfare. We are witnessing Non-State
Actors (NSA) using unconventional means to confront state militaries
and thus negate their conventional edge. This was clearly illustrated
in Lebanon recently, where the Hezbollah fought the Israeli forces to
a standstill. Nearer home, in Jammu and Kashmir, the Indian Army has
been facing proxy war waged by militants sponsored by our adversaries.
All this marks the advent of a new form of warfare.
This essay examines the transformation of modem
warfare, prognosticates the emerging threat profile in the Indian
context and recommends necessary doctrinal realignment and force
restructuring to enable our armed forces to retain their combat edge
in the coming decades.
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THE TRAJECTORY OF WARFARE |
The Generational Shift
According to William S Lind, modern warfare has seen four generations
that have evolved over the last few hundred years. The first
generation warfare (1GW) was dominated by massed manpower and
culminated in the Napoleonic Wars. The second generation warfare (2GW)
was dominated by firepower and ended in World War I. In relatively
short order, during World War II, the Germans introduced third
generation warfare (3GW), characterised by manoeuvre. The fourth
generation warfare (4GW), evolved since World War II, unlike previous
generations does not attempt to win by defeating enemy's military
forces. Instead, the unconventional 4GW adversary, making use of all
available networks - political, economic, social, and military -
directly attacks the minds of the enemy decision makers to destroy the
enemy's political will to fight.1
In 4GW, the state loses its monopoly on war.2 All across the globe,
state militaries find themselves confronting NSAs such as AI Qaeda,
Hezbollsh, Taliban, Lashker-e-Taiba and the likes. It is pertinent
that only 4GW has defeated numerically superior conventional forces -
the Mujahideen defeated the Soviets in Afghanistan, Vietnamese
defeated the French and US forces, Hezbollah surprised Israet in
Lebanon recently and the outcome of Operations Iraqi Freedom and
Enduring Freedom being conducted by the coalition forces in Iraq and
Afghanistan respectively, is still uncertain.
This view is also echoed by Martin Van Creveld, the author of The
Transformation of War,3 in which he illustrates the relative successes
of unconventional wars against conventional opponents and highlights
the failures of regular militaries to deal with this evolving threat.
He predicts - “If the last fifty years or so provide any guide, future
wars will be overwhelmingly of the type known, however inaccurately,
as 'low intensity.' Both organisationally and in terms of the
equipment at their disposal, the armed forces of the world will have
to adjust themselves to this situation by changing their doctrine,
doing away with much of their heavy equipment...”4
Fig. 1 : The “Generations of War” Model5
It is evident from the above figure that although vestiges of 1GW, 2GW
and 3GW shall remain for some time, the trajectory of future warfare
is inexorably moving towards 4GW. The challenge lies in retaining
adequate potency against ‘the continuity' of extant threats, while
simultaneously adapting to 'the change' wrought by 4GW.
The Indian Experience
The momentous changes taking place at the global level in war
fighting, as explained earlier, have not left the Indian Armed Forces
untouched. Being a professional force, our Armed Forces have been
imbibing these changes and applying them to the Indian context.
The Indo-Pak War of 1971 is a classic example of successful conduct of
3GW and is taught in foreign armies as such. The Sunday Times of
London had reported, “It took only 12 days for the Indian Army to
smash its way to Dacca, an achievement reminiscent of the German
Blitzkrieg across France in 1940. The strategy was the same: speed,
ferocity and flexibility”. The Army, of course, was not alone. The
Indian Air Force, the Indian Navy and the Mukti Bahini helped to shape
the victory.
On the other hand, our experience of 4GW has not been so encouraging.
In Operation Pawan, the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka
applied the conventional 3GW tactics to what was essentially a 4GW
adversary, with resultant losses. From 1990 onwards, we have been
embroiled in Jammu and Kashmir in a similar confrontation with 4GW
forces. In both instances, we have not fully grasped that a new form
of warfare is upon us which is engaging a major portion of our forces
and shall remain so in the coming decades. It calls for a realistic
prognosis of the emerging threat profile.
Conventional Conflict
Pakistan. Kargil ‘99 has demonstrated that there is space for
calibrated conventional war within the nuclear threshold. Hence, the
likelihood of a conventional war with Pakistan remains a possibility
in the near term, triggered as a result of punitive strike by India in
response to a terrorism or border incident. However, the likelihood of
such a conflict in the mid to long term is likely to decrease due to
international pressure to prevent conflict between the two nuclear
states, emergence of a stable democratic government in Pakistan and
resolution of the Kashmir Issue at some point of time in the future,
as well as India's maturity and responsibility as an emerging global
power.
China.
A conflict is possible in the medium to long term, on account of clash
of interests arising out of competing regional and global aspirations
and, unresolved boundary disputes. Infrastructure development in the
Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), like the recent construction of the
Golmud to Lhasa rail line, coupled with the ongoing modernisation of
China's armed forces, are indicators. However, China is likely to turn
its attention to India only after it has consolidated its position
economically.
Hence, there is a requirement to maintain our conventional combat edge
against Pakistan in the short to mid term and a conventional
dissuasive posture against China, in the mid to long term.
Nuclear Conflict
Any conflict with Pakistan will be fought under a nuclear shadow with
Pakistan threatening to use its nuclear weapons as a desperate measure
to stall our conventional offensive beyond a threshold threatening its
very survival. The threat gets magnified in the event of Pakistan
disintegrating into a failed state and its nuclear arsenal falling
into the hands of Jehadi elements. The only effective counter to such
eventualities is maintaining an assured second strike capability which
would deter Pakistan from embarking upon a nuclear misadventure.
Against China, the equation is completely reversed, in that the
Chinese armed forces have a decisive conventional edge over us which
if we try to match, will be a severe drain on our economy. The nuclear
option will be the only effective means to deter the Chinese dragon,
of sufficient reach and size.
Hence, while both conventional and nuclear conflicts remain on the
threat horizon, the latter is only a consequence of the former as an
escalation. This defines their inter se priority.
Low Intensity Conflict (LIC)
Given the low probability of being able to achieve their aims by open
hostilities, whether nuclear or conventional, there is an increasing
tendency of both, state and NSA, to take recourse to 4GW. China has in
the past aided insurgency in the North East while Pakistan applied it
first in Punjab, where it failed and then in Jammu and Kashmir. A
major portion of our Army continues to remain tied down in Counter
Insurgency (CI) operations with growing cost in manpower and material.
There are other threats to security in the hinterland. There is a
growing menace of Naxalism in parts of Andhra Pradesh, Chattisgarh,
Orrisa, Jharkhand and Bihar in collusion with the Maoists in Nepal who
dream of a Compact Revolutionary Zone. These forces are growing bolder
by the day and have directly challenged the authority of the state.
The gravity is evident from the fact that Naxalites have killed 460
people in the first six months of 2006,6 nearly equalling our total
combat casualties in Kargil War. The social and cultural fault lines
of our heterogeneous society are also breeding grounds for 4GW forces
in form of terrorism, fundamentalism and extremism, as evident from
the Mumbai train blasts on 11 July 2006.
As the central paramilitary forces are still not able to combat this
threat and the employment of the Armed Forces has adverse
implications, it has been proposed that a separate force, manned, led,
equipped and controlled by the Army, called the Internal Security
Force be raised to meet this requirement.7 The Rashtriya Rifles and
the Assam Rifles could provide the nucleus for such a force. It would
be the ‘lead force’ in tackling the high end threats to internal
security.
Fig. 2 : The Prognostic Indian Threat Model
The above prognosis reveals that while conventional and nuclear
conflicts remain in the realm of possibility, the LIC is the reality
we are facing today and shall continue so in the future. There is,
therefore, a need for re-appraisal and re-prioritisation of the
emerging threats. While retaining our conventional combat power,
together with the nuclear deterrent, the emphasis has to shift towards
LIC (4GW) as the primary threat in the coming decades.
Emerging Challenges
Apart from the threats outlined above, many more challenges may emerge
in the future, as India gains eminence in the global stage
commensurate with its economic growth. Free flow of energy and
overseas trade will become central to this development. Prime Minister
Mr Manmohan Singh, in his address to the Combined Commanders
Conference in October 2005, stated - “We must ensure workable
alliances with like minded countries for security of our sea lanes,
for our commercial and energy security.”8 This entails a critical
shift from essentially a 'continental approach' of our military
strategy to a 'continental-cum-maritime' strategy.9
Asymmetric warfare is another emerging challenge. It is certain that
terrorists and other 4GW forces will get emboldened by the Hezbollah's
success in the recent Lebanon conflict and will apply it's tactics
elsewhere. The Hezbollah divided Southern Lebanon into military zones
and spent the last aix years digging tunnels and dispersed about
12,000 rockets in a vast network of hidden caches. Their fighters,
operating in small teams accessed the weapons only at the moment of
attack, and then disappeared. Hezbollah fired more than 100 rockets a
day at the start of the conflict and continued at the same rate at the
time of the cease fire. It attained the status of a 'state within a
state' controlling territory and seats in the Lebanese govemment.10
This Conftict merits further study to understand its implications in
our context.
The analysis of the existing and emerging threats,
necessitates a realignment of our doctrines. While the individual
service doctrines were released sometime back, the recently published
Joint Doctrine: Indian Armed Forces attempts to give a shape to the
Indian strategic thought process. It lays down that - “To defend the
national territory, we need to maintain a full spectrum of dissuasive
and deterrent capability on land, air and sea. This capability should
be such that it is effective against all types of armed conflicts,
from LlC to conventional, under a nuclear shadow.”11 Consequently, the
essential doctrinal issues that merit consideration in a further study
of desired force structures are outlined in the succeeding paragraphs.
Strategic Vision - Enabled by Politico-Military Interaction
It has already been highlighted that the 4GW will take place across
the spectrum of political, social and military fields. This would
necessitate a close politico-military interaction enabled through
revamping of the higher defence organisation. The establishment of the
Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff (HQ IDS) under command of the
Chief of Integrated Staff to Chairman COSC (CISC) was the first step
in this direction. The CISC needs to be upgraded to the post of Chief
of Defence Staff (CDS), to provide single point military advice to the
Raksha Mantri. The direct access of military leadership to the
political leaders would enable development of strategic vision for the
country through the mechanism of the National Security Council.
Millitary Diplomacy
The ability of military forces of a nation to support diplomatic
initiatives and manipulate behaviour of other nations to safeguard own
national interests is military diplomacy.12 A strong force projection
capability, based on air lift, sea lift or a combination of both, is
essential for Operations Other Than War (OOTW) in response to a crisis
situation in neighbouring countries, disaster relief and peace keeping
operations. This would also include building robust relationships with
other nations through bilateral and multilateral military-to-military
cooperation.
Joint Operations
The nature of future warfare requires harmonious and synergetic
application of land, sea and air forces. Joint operations are the most
essential requirement of future wars and have to focus on the seamless
application of all available resources to shock, dislocate and
overwhelm the enemy.13 There is a need to 'think purple' and transcend
from single service operations to joint operations to optimise and
integrate the full combat potential of each service. This demands an
integrated command structure at all levels - strategic, operational
and tactical in the context of land-air-maritime battle. This should
be complemented by joint training, planning and conduct of war.
Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) : Transformation Through
Technology
Future wars will be fought under high-tech conditions characterised by
greater transparency and increased precision of munitions. This calls
for imbibing RMA through adoption of high technology in our doctrine
and organisation, at all levels, thus bringing about a change in our
war fighting methodology. Network Centric Warfare (NCW) forms an
essential component of the RMA, wherein the challenge lies in reducing
the 'sensor to shooter' gap in the information and cognitive domain.
Human Resource Development (HRD)
In the surfeit of hi-tech gadgetry, one is apt to overlook the 'man
behind the machine'. In the background of the changing socio-economic
conditions in the country, the human resources have to be harnessed to
its full potential. Adopting systems approach to training, directive
style of command, manoeuvre approach to war fighting, improving the
technical threshold and imbibing secular moral values are some of the
essentials.
The analysis so far indicates that force
re-structuring is an operational necessity to give our forces the
wherewithal and capability to tackle the existing and emerging
challenges. There can be no single prescription for this venture,
since the existing threat profile is diverse in nature and will evolve
over time. The force profile should be so configured that it is
capable of operating across the spectrum of conftict identified
earlier i.e. ranging from LlC to conventional conflict under the
nuclear shadow.
Conventional Forces
A future conventional conflict with our primary adversary will be
fought under a nuclear overhang that will limit the scope of offensive
action to multiple shallow objectives. Towards this end, battle groups
have been constituted, based on division or division plus force
levels, organised for this purpose. The battle group's constituent
formations are not necessarily their organic elements, but could be
from any other formation, primarily based on the mobilisation matrix
and the mission orientation.
If such a mission oriented organisation is the imperative of our
pro-active strategy, then there is a need to carry this forward and
institutionalise it. This entails building 'modular force' structures
for our conventional forces. The basic 'module' or the primary
building block of such a force structure could be a brigade size force
that is self contained for fire power and logistic support and
composed of combined arms combat groups. This brigade-centric
organisation could be scalable from heavy (armour heavy), medium
(mechanised infantry heavy) to light (infantry heavy) roles. These
brigade size battle groups would have all the capabilities presently
found at divisional level i.e. it will have its integral combat
service and logistics support. A corresponding exercise can be
undertaken in the Navy and the Air Force, to create a modular force
structure.
The command echelons above the brigade, i.e. division and corps
headquarters (and their equivalent in the other services) would be
made independent of their subordinate formations i.e. it will have no
organic formations under command. Rather, tailor made mix of such
brigade modules can 'plug and play' under any division headquarters to
accomplish the mission assigned. Similarly, the corps headquarters can
have its own mission specific organisation.
Eventually, these command echelons above the brigade will evolve into
a truly joint and battle focused command structures capable of
controlling a mix of modules from any service contingent on their
threat based mission. In essence, we would achieve a right balance of
'capability' and 'threat' based force structure; the brigade size
modules being the former and the command echelons above it being the
latter.
While a comprehensive study would be necessary to arrive at the exact
organisation and command and control structure, which could be
implemented in an incremental manner, the following advantages of such
a scheme are evident:-
| (a) |
It will enable a flexible and joint force
packaging, which will generate more options for the commanders
at all levels enabling them to reach for a broader set of
tactical and operational objectives, in a tri-service context. |
| (b) |
It will migrate our vertical hierarchical
organisation to a horizontal networked organisation, with its
inherent advantages. |
Having realised these advantages, the US Army is
also transforming into a modular force and has already deployed six
such Brigade Combat Teams in Iraq.15
Strategic Forces
The Indian Nuclear Doctrine is well articulated and is based on
maintaining a credible minimum nuclear deterrent, with built in
survivability and necessary safeguards, to cater for all
contingencies. Within this policy frame work, the role of the armed
forces will be to guarantee the second strike capability based on a
triad of land, sea and air based missiles, with secure command and
control networks. The current status and the desired capabilities are
shown in figure below:-
Fig. 3 : Capability of Strategic Forces
The potency of the nuclear deterrent will not be a function of number
of warheads, but an assured second strike capability based on adequacy
and flexibility of the delivery systems and survivability of the
command and control structures. This has to be demonstrated to
potential adversaries, so that it knows that, however, strong a first
strike it may launch, India is capable of launching a crippling
retaliatory strike.
Nuclear weapons are very like conventional military armaments in that
the credibility of their use is only in terms of their utility in
war.16 This is possible only when these forces are kept operationally
ready by having nuclear war plans in place and exercising them
periodically.
To ensure the continuity of our nuclear deterrence, we have to ensure
that our military nuclear programme is kept out of the ambit of the
ongoing US-India Civilian Nuclear deal and the IAEA safeguards.
Special Forces
It has been established that the trajectory of modern warfare is
steadily moving towards the 4GW. Such asymmetric threats, bring into
focus the need of tackling an unconventional enemy, with Special
Forces (SF) who are superbly trained, well equipped and highly
motivated to tackle the demands of such a warfare. Indeed, the US
military relies heavily on SF detachments in Afghanistan and Iraq in
its ongoing campaign. The Indian SF are based on the SF battalions of
the Army, the Marine Commandos (Marcos) of the Navy and the Garuda of
the Air Force.
The key element of SF operations is jointness in training, planning,
preparation, conduct and integration of all SF resources under a
single command. Having identified this critical need, a Joint Special
Operations Command (JSOC), should be raised, taking under its command
all service SF units, including those units under the Home Ministry
manned by army personnel. This JSOC should come under command of the
HQ IDS, providing the SF capability at operational and tactical levels
to the three Services. The second element of the jointness is a common
operating philosophy through a joint SF doctrine, which is being
prepared by HQ IDS.
While the specifics of the nature and scope of SF operations will be
spelt out by the joint SF doctrine, guided by their strategic reach
and force capabilities, the broad domain of their operation would be:-
| (a) |
Offensive Action. This will include all small
scale actions performed in direct support of an operational
level commander during the conduct of conventional operations;
such as raids, ambushes, search and destroy missions, targeting
vital communications and logistics infrastructure and enemy
commanders. It will also include conduct of the reconnaissance
and surveillance, at strategic and operational levels, sometimes
even before the commencement of actual operations due to their
'small footprint'. |
| (b) |
Counter Insurgency (CI). India's CI campaign
in Jammu and Kashmir has reached a state of strategic stalemate.
Although Rashtriya Rifles, Assam Rifles and the regular army
units will continue to be the mainstay of our CI operations, we
need to break out of the current impasse by shifting focus from
'saturation tactics' being presently employed, to 'surgical
strikes', by SF units on both sides of the Line of Control (LC),
directed against key militant leaders, training infrastructure,
launch pads and logistics installations. Such operations,
carried out clandestinely, do not risk escalation, while causing
grievous hurt to the Pakistani establishment that supports proxy
war. |
| (c) |
Counter Terrorism. This includes our response
to terrorism in all its manifestations; hostage rescue,
evacuation operations, bomb disposal, infiltration of
militant/terrorist organisation and emerging challenges of
countering Weapons of Mass Destructions (WMD), cyber terrorism
and terrorism effecting energy security. Of these, the counter
WMD requires urgent attention and could entail setting up
organisations on the lines of US Chemical biological lncident
Response Teams (CBIRT) and Nuclear Emergency Search Teams
(NEST). |
| (d) |
Expeditionary Contingency. The aim of the
SF's expeditionary capability would be to maintain law and order
on the high seas as part of Low Intensity Maritime Operations
(LIMO) and in the proximal land areas, render help to friendly
governments in the region facing threats from rebels and
terrorists like the Maldives operation, disaster management like
carried out post Tsunami and to cater for contingencies like
Kandahar hijacking. This capability would be based on a mix of
air borne and amphibious means with adequate reach in our area
of interest. These operations could also be undertaken as part
of a coalition along with friendly foreign forces or under the
UN auspices. A good model to follow in this regard is the
Marines Air Ground Task Force (MAGTF) constituted from the US
Marine Expeditionary Force. |
CONCLUSION
Hierarchical organisations like the armed forces inherently resist
change, forgetting that changes in the emerging security environment
and future battle field milieu, as well as societal changes demand
change. Considering the momentous changes taking place in the global,
regional and domestic environments and their impact on our security,
the armed forces need to realign doctrinally and restructure
organisationally to remain a potent force. Some of the 'ways' and
'means' to achieve the desired 'ends' have been explored in this
essay, summarised below -
Fig. 4 : Ways, Means and Ends
There is need to exercise an element of caution while embracing these
changes. Any undue emphasis or insistence on a tailor-made orientation
focussing primarily on any particular level of warfare would be
dangerously misplaced.17 The words of Sir Winston Churchill while
addressing the House of Commons in 1923, sum it up-
“The armed forces are not like a limited liability company, to be
reconstructed from time to time as the money fluctuates. They are not
inanimate things, like a house to be pulled down or enlarged or
structurally altered at the caprices of the tenant or owner. They are
living things, if they are bullied, they sulk, if they are happy, they
pine, if they are harried, sufficiently they get feverish, if they are
sufficiently disturbed, they will wither and dwindle and almost die,
and when it comes to this last serious condition, it is only revived
with lots of time and lots of money.”
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