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New Zealand - India relations are long-standing and warm. From our
common colonial heritage, we share similar institutions of governance
and legal system, English language and membership of the Commonwealth.
We both strongly support democracy, human rights and multilateralism.
We have a common interest in the success of United Nations
peacekeeping initiatives and effective global counter-terrorism
efforts. However, until recently our bilateral relationship had been
largely passive. Military linkages were virtually non-existent, trade
flows were very small and visits at the ministerial level were rare.
During the last decade, however, our bilateral relationship has
deepened in the political and economic spheres, and at an increasingly
rapid pace. When I first visited India in 2001, it was the first visit
to India by a New Zealand Foreign Minister in 10 years. Our Prime
Minister Helen Clark visited India in October 2004, with a number of
other Ministers. Our Governor General Anand Satyanand, hopes to visit
India at the end of 2007. India is now New Zealand’s second fastest
growing major export market, albeit from a low base, reaching 355
million dollar in 2007. Coal and primary products dominate, but there
is also a growing diversification of trade, for example, in the area
of machinery exports for Indian infrastructure and manufacturing
projects. People to people links have deepened, driven in large part
by the growing and vibrant Indian community in New Zealand. Students
of Indian descent now make up more than a third of the enrolments in
some of the schools in my electorate. Our relationship, then is
clearly becoming more active. This is not surprising, given India’s
rapidly growing economy and increasing geopolitical importance. New
Delhi’s ‘Look east Policy’ and membership, alongside New Zealand, of
the ASEAN Regional Forum and, more recently, the East Asia Summit have
also brought us closer together.
Defence is an important element of any overall relationship and
defence engagement should grow as the wide relationship moves forward.
Our military links with India are long-standing. Our troops fought
alongside each other in some of the major battles of the First and
Second World Wars. In 1950, the Royal New Zealand Naval vessel
Achilles which had fought in the battle of the River Plate was
refitted as INS Delhi, which began the connection between our navies.
In 1952, New Zealand officers served with the United Nations Military
Observer Group in India and Pakistan. This was our first UN
peacekeeping mission but it was long-standing one, which we remained
part of until 1976. We also supported the UN India-Pakistan observer
mission in 1965-66.
Though our historical military linkages are strong, our recent
military cooperation has been limited. Our engagement currently, is
focused on interaction between our respective navies through port
calls, the Western Pacific Naval Symposium and senior staff visits.
Over the next month or so, the Royal New Zealand Naval Frigate Te Mana
and tanker Endeavour will visit Port Blair and the Indian National
Defence College will visit New Zealand. We also interact at the annual
Shangri La Defence Conference in Singapore. The ASEAN Regional Forum
defence dialogue process and UN peacekeeping operations also provide
opportunities for our armed forces to work together.
New Zealand’s strategic situation
New Zealand does not face presently, a conventional military threat.
We are an island of only four million people, about the same as a
mid-sized Indian city. Our closest neighbours are : Australia to our
west, the South Pacific Islands to our north and Antarctica to our
south. We are surrounded by the Pacific Ocean. despite our geographic
isolation, we do not consider ourselves, immune from contemporary
trans-national security threats such as terrorism, weapons of mass
destruction proliferation or trans-national organised crime. We rely
on regional and international stability for our own well being and
prosperity, as do all nations.
New Zealand has never been “isolationist” or reluctant to play our
part in contributing to regional and international security. In both
world wars of the Twentieth Century, New Zealand suffered the highest
per capita casualty rate of any commonwealth country. Commitment to
collective security, the rule of law and multilateral responses to
security challenges have been cornerstones of our foreign policy.
Since the world War II, our commitment to these principles has been
backed up by a preparedness to act.
Like India, New Zealand has made a strong commitment to peace support
operations. We currently have about 400 New Zealand Defence Force and
81 New Zealand Police personnel deployed on 21 peace support missions.
While a relatively small number, especially compared to India’s
commitment of over 9,500 troops to UN peacekeeping; for a country of
our size it is a significant commitment. With regular rotations, it
means that one third of our Army serves in a peacekeeping mission each
year. Given our relatively small Defence Force, our focus has been
multiple, small scale, niche deployments.
New Zealand’s peacekeeping commitments extend beyond our own region.
In addition to our larger contributions in Solomon Islands, Timor
Leste and Afghanistan, New Zealand has small numbers of personnel in
multinational missions in Korea, the Middle East, Sudan, Bosina-Herzegovina
and Kosovo. New Zealand and India have worked together in the US
Missions in East Timor and we both contribute to missions in Sudan,
Lebanon and Kosovo. We also have a strong commitment to play an active
role in the Asia Pacific region, which we are both part of. We
participate in dialogue on defence and security issues through
bilateral meetings, and in regional fora like the ASEAN Regional Forum
and APEC. These groupings provide an important mechanism for dialogue
and cooperation on traditional and increasingly, non-traditional
security issues. New Zealand is also an active member of the Five
Power Defence Arrangement with Australia, the UK, Malaysia and
Singapore.
International Campaign Against terrorism
International terrorism remains a major scourge. The spectre of a WMD
attack by a terrorist group remains our biggest nightmare scenario.
The last few years have repeatedly demonstrated that no region or
people are immune to indiscriminate terrorist violence. London,
Madrid, Mumbai, Istanbul, Bali, New York and Baghdad are among the
many places to have been targeted by terrorism. While the threat of
terrorism on New Zealand is low, New Zealanders have been among the
victims of attacks in New York, Bali and London.
We have strongly supported the international campaign against
terrorism. Since December 2001, we have committed forces, including
three rotations of Special Air Services troops, to Operation Enduring
Freedom and now to the NATO led International Security Assistance
Force in Afghanistan. We have deployed ground and Air assets to
Afghanistan and the Gulf region. Since 2003, we have had around 120
Defence Force personnel in Afghanistan operating a Provincial
reconstruction Team (PRT) in Bamyan province. New Zealand police
personnel provide police training in Bamyan and NZAID is also managing
a range of development projects there. We recently extended our PRT
commitment to late 2008. Our PRT has worked hard to make a difference
to the lives of the people of Bamyan. It has facilitated the
construction of schools, roads, bridges and a maternity ward. Like our
other peacekeeping missions, Bamyan underscores a central, but
critical point, that our efforts can only be successful, if we win the
support of the local community.
Economic and social development is the key to Afghanistan’s future.
The Afghan people will only continue to support an international
presence in their country, if they believe that it will improve their
lives, security and prosperity. I asked a military commander familiar
with the situation in south Afghanistan, what level of support the
allied forces were receiving from the local population? He said that
about 20 per cent supported them, 10 per cent opposed them, and the
other 70 per cent hadn’t committed themselves either way, waiting to
see what the outcome was likely to be and what difference the
international forces were likely to make to the reality of their daily
lives. There is no doubt that our mission in Afghanistan must be
underpinned by a military element strong enough to guarantee security
on the ground. It is important, however, that the troops on the ground
are given the tools in terms of their physical resources and training
to ensure that they are able to engage effectively with the local
population. Military strategies have to be developed and implemented,
with a premium on winning and not alienating local support. The
concept of “collateral damage” is unlikely to be viewed by a Pashtun
tribseperson as an acceptable explanation for the death of a family
member or a friend. The exercise of effective military force alone
will not create the environment necessary to lay the foundation for a
stable and democratic Afghanistan. This will only be possible through
an approach that fully integrates security, economic and social
development. We need to foster infrastructure development and to build
government institutions that are able to deliver education, healthcare
and other core services.
The international community must also commit to the development of
alternative livelihood options, reducing its dependence on poppy
cultivations and enabling Afghanistan over time to become more
self-reliant.
The Pacific
We have learned similar lessons from our experiences in Pacific peace
support operations. The last few years have been seen serious
instability across the Pacific. Sadly, much of the Pacific presently
bears little resemblance to the idyllic “island paradise” post card
image. Ethnic tensions, clashes of traditional values with those of
globalisation, limited economic and social development, and poor
governance structures have resulted in heightened tensions in many
countries in the region. These tensions have sometimes resulted in
breakdowns in civil order and violence. Two of the most serious cases
have been in the Solomon Islands and Timor Leste.
In 1999, New Zealand committed a battalion of peace keepers to East
Timor, to help restore a country nearly destroyed by the militias,
following the referendum over the country’s future that year. We
celebrated with the Timorese people when they achieved self-determinaton
and democracy in 2002, after 25 years of struggle and an apparently
successful UN transition led to independence. However, Timor Leste’s
descent into violence in 2006 underscored the difficulty and
complexity of nation building. Defence forces from Australia and New
Zealand, and police from 38 countries including India, have once again
had to assist Timor Leste to establish law and order.
New Zealand is working with the UN and regional partners in the sixth
UN mission in Timor to try and achieve a durable peace and an
effective political system. The New Zealand Defence Force has an army
company there, supported by Air Force helicopters. We have helped to
restore stability and prevent a further bloodbath. But the challenge
of changing the political culture to achieve long-term stability,
without the need for an international presence, is a tougher one.
New Zealand, with Australia and the international community, is
committed to a long term nation building effort. We have also played
an important role in helping to restore stability in the Solomon
Islands, as part of the regional Assistance Mission in the Solomon
Islands (RAMSI). Together with Australia, Fiji, Tonga and Papua New
Guinea, our defence personnel and police have helped prevent further
inter-communal conflict and to restore law and order. The RAMSI
mission has made a real difference to stability and security in the
Solomon Islands. A sustainable peace requires the establishment of
robust institutions of governance and sustainable livelihoods, as well
as a culture that accepts and demands the proper exercise of
authority.
Stability and progress are mutually dependent. Neither can be achieved
without the other. Maintaining an adequate consent environment, for
foreign troops to be within another sovereign country’s space,
however, can be difficult. One way of maintaining a strong consent
environment is to foster mutual respect between soldiers and the local
population. New Zealand troops are well trained and experienced peace
keepers. Most have experienced a number of missions and they avoid
heavy handed responses. They work well with the local community. The
support of the local government is critical. As a successful
intervention is made and a reasonable level of security is
established, local power structures may calculate that foreign
assistance is no longer as critical to their interests. Vested and
corrupt political interests may regard the intervention force as a
hinderance to their ambitions. The difficult balancing act that
follows can lead to success or back to conflict.
Defence Force Modernisation
In order to meet our regional and international security commitments,
New Zealand has placed premium on developing a professional and
effective defence force. In the last eight years, we have made
significant investments in ensuring that the New Zealand Defence Force
is best structured and equipped to perform the missions for which it
is most likely to be deployed. We have invested in new and upgraded
capabilities and implemented important organisational changes,
including a joint approach to structure and operation. We have also
shifted towards a more focussed range of military capabilities. Given
the high cost of defence technology, this is a reality for many small
nations. We have hardened the Army, giving it more firepower and
mobility. we are also increasing its strength. The Air Force is
getting a significant makeover. Its platforms are being replaced or
upgraded. The focus is on improving our surveillance, strategic and
tactical airlift capabilities. The Navy will also increase in size. A
lot of investment, in seven new ships, is to enhance our ability to
protect our Exclusive Economic Zone and maritime approaches.
Introducing a number of new capabilities into the Defence Force is a
challenging process, but it will result in an increasingly capable New
Zealand Defence Force, which is combat capable and ready for
peacekeeping operations.
Disarmament and Arms Control
I would like to make a few comments as New Zealand’s Minister for
Disarmament and Arms Control. This is not, as some might imagine,
inconsistent with my role as Minister of Defence. There is no defence
against weapons of mass destruction, which have the potential to
destroy human beings in unprecedented numbers and perhaps humanity
itself. The Defence Force is also active in areas of disarmament, such
as clearing landmines and cluster munitions around the world.
Disarmament and non-proliferation are key priorities for the New
Zealand government. New Zealand is an active participant in
international efforts to achieve the reduction and elimination of
nuclear weapons and to enforce a ban on chemical and biological
weapons. We strongly advocate for controls on conventional weapons. We
take an even handed approach to nuclear disarmament. we strongly
oppose nuclear weapons in any hands. The nexus between nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation is perhaps best described in the
weapons of Mass Destruction Commission report released last year:-
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“So long as any state has nuclear weapons,
others will want them. So long as any such weapons remain, there
is risk that these will one day be used, by design or accident.
And any such use would be catastrophic”. |
The continued existence of nuclear weapons, the risk that more
countries may seek access to nuclear weapons, means there is no scope
for complacency. We remain concerned that 27,000 nuclear weapons
remain in existence today and the rate of progress towards disarmament
in recent years has been negligible. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty remains the cornerstone of the multilateral treaty regime
governing nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It contains the
only multilateral treaty commitment to nuclear disarmament on the part
of the nuclear weapon states.
Conclusion
In conclusion, I have outlined briefly how New Zealand sees its
place in the world, our key international commitments and our defence
policy. I have also touched upon New Zealand's and India’s developing
bilateral relationship. This relationship is becoming increasingly
important to us in this dynamic region. Relationships of course, are
made up of many different areas. The defence, foreign affairs and
trade strands between India and New Zealand are growing. I look
forward to working together to develop our relationship further, so
that we can better pursue the objectives that we have in common.
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