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Balochistan; The Troubled Frontiers

 Brig Vinod Anand


The present situation in Balochistan has been as a result of ham handed policies of the Pakistan Government which it has pursued for quite sometime. There is a resurgence of Balochi nationalism because Balochis feel that they have been consistently denied the fruits of development and the benefits of their natural assets and wealth are going to outsiders. In order to express their resentment, towards end December, an all out strike was organized in Balochistan to demonstrate against the twin issues of heavy handed Pak military action and the construction of controversial Kalabagh dam . The strike was completely successful.


Earlier in December, during Musharraf's visit to the troubled province, suspected militants had carried out a rocket attack that resulted in a strong military reaction in the areas of Murri and Bugti which left over 200 people dead. Pak military used helicopter gunships and jet planes against the so called 'rebels'. Generally, such level of force is not resorted to in a law and order situation. It was this indiscriminate use of force which prompted the human rights organisations to express their concerns on human rights violations. Pak military has been at pains to assure every one that no military operation was going on even as its political ally MQM threatened to quit the government on the issue, thus, raising the possibilities of Sindh government loosing the majority support.

It is not the first time that Balochistan is up in arms against a repressive Pak regime. Balochi resistance has seen many highs and lows since sixties. Rebellion by Balochi nationalists in 1962 and thereafter led to atrocities by the army and it is during this period that General Tikka Khan acquired the infamous title of 'Butcher of Balochistan'. By 1969, some kind of cease fire with the Pararis (rebels) had been reached. Again in 1973, Bhutto toppled the elected Balochi provincial government and used military and helicopter gunships to suppress the resultant turmoil and resistance to the central rule. In 1974, Bhutto believed that the back of Balochistan People's Liberation Front had been broken but resistance continued till General Zia reached another truce with Balochis.

The Pak government did not see writing on the wall when in 2003, the Governor of Balohistan, Lt. General Abdul Qadir Baloch (Retd) resigned to protest against the land grabbing by military officers and other non-Balochi elite in the fast developing Gawadar port. Balochi nationalists have been continually accusing the central government of economic and social negligence of Balochistan and depriving Balochis of their rightful share of wealth from oil, gas, minerals and other assets of the province. Since 2003, the Balochi Liberation Army has been conducting operations to thwart the attempts of Pakistan's establishment to gain from mega-projects launched by Musharraf's regime in Balochistan.

The geo-strategic relevance of Balochistan has grown because of not only development of Gawadar port but also due to its location as a land bridge between energy hungry market of India and energy supplier Iran. It also provides access to land locked Afghanistan and Central Asian countries for sea trade and opens avenues to Indian Ocean for China. When infrastructure of roads, oil and gas pipelines is fully developed it will become a hub of transit and trade corridors benefiting all the nations involved. Therefore, stability and security in this region is not only of concern to Pakistan but also to other countries and especially so to India. India is not only concerned with human rights and democratic processes, it also has interest in the security of projected Indo- Iranian gas pipeline which would pass through Balochistan. Despite America's objection to the pipeline project, India wants to go ahead and thus it has a vested interest in peace in the troubled province. It is expected that successful completion of the pipeline project would create mutual interdependencies that may lead to added focus on economic issues and diffusion of security issues.

Therefore, the Indian government's remark that 'we hope the Government of Pakistan will exercise restraint and take recourse to peaceful discussions to address the grievances of people of Balochistan' should not be viewed in isolation. While Pakistan is sensitive to Indian criticism on Balochistan issue, it sees no harm in issuing statements by the dozen on human rights situation in Kashmir. Further, Pakistan's own record in Northern Areas on human rights violations is abysmal. Also, in his zeal to force the pace of ongoing peace process, Musharraf's propensity to suggest new proposals through media, like demilitarisation or self-governance in Kashmir, look very attractive on the face of it but lack the substantive, political, diplomatic and historical perspective that is needed to solve the 56 years old problem. Musharraf also continues to look for concessions from the Indian government in Kashmir while looking the other way on regarding cross border terrorism.

Thus, the Indian government is right in feeling miffed about Musharraf's approach to the ongoing composite dialogue and, apparently, it would be naïve to expect a major breakthrough in the Indo-Pak talks as of now. Meanwhile, situation in Balochistan is worsening and according to a Pakistani analyst "allowing a situation to develop where the Bugtis and Marris take to the gun testifies to the failure of political imagination. Who is to blame? India, RAW, the CIA, or our own failure to develop and sustain political institutions? The military mind may be a wonderful thing in itself but where politics is concerned, it is an unmitigated disaster…. From a ruler we expect something more: vision, perspicacity, competence and, if we are lucky, a sense of history". However, the military mind seems to be more interested in perpetuating its own rule rather than rule of law.
 

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