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The Indo-US joint statement in July 2005 seems to have marked a new
shift in the Indo-US relations in the current international system.
The trajectory demonstrating a significant transformation underway
since President Clinton's visit to India in 2000 further shows an
all-time high. The two countries are increasingly engaged in strategic
partnership and the National Security Strategy 2002 (NSS) goes on to
referring 'India's potential to become one of the great democratic
powers of the twenty-first century'1 for the first time in
US history.
The Indo-US strategic cooperation is not a recent phenomenon, but it
has assumed new proportions in the last couple of years. The strategic
circles in the US are prompted to project India as a 'strong and
independent' nation representing 'a strategic asset, even when it
remains only a partner and not a formal ally'. Such a judgement
reflects Washington's changed perception of India in the present world
order. It signals that the two countries are no more grounded in
obsolete intrinsic conflicts of interest, and are engaged in carving
out 'strategic coordination' facilitating greater interaction between
the them.
The Cold War dynamics have been replaced by new realities. In this
strategic milieu, India poses as a 'hedge' against new rivals that
seem to challenge the United States in the Asian region. The US
Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, at her famous Sophia University
speech in March 2005, categorically stated--: "I do believe that the
US-Japan relationship, the US-South Korea relationship, the US-Indian
relationship, are all important in creating an environment in which
China is more likely to play a positive role than a negative role"2
--- thus attempting a Sino-American accommodation while engaging the
other key players in the region.
The current Indo-US cooperation is significant. The partnership
involves several areas but the most important of these are the defence
cooperation, and the nuclear deal.
Defence Cooperation: A Landmark?
On June 28, 2005 India and the US signed the landmark New Framework
for the US-India Defence Relationship.3 Termed as a mere
framework and not a pact, this relationship marks the beginning of a
'new era' in Indo-US ties. The framework intends to chart
military-to-military relations between the two largest democracies
until 2015. In the Senate Hearings of November 2, 2005, Nicholas Burns
categorically stated that "we're planning to enlarge defence trade,
improve cooperation between our armed forces, and co-produce military
hardware"4. This kind of cooperation is unparalleled in
Indo-US history. The framework offers large opportunities of
cooperation between the two countries and is bound by 'shared common
interest'.
The latest evidence of the intense defence engagement between
Washington and New Delhi was the November 2005 air exercises held in
West Bengal. Leading experts on the area stated that 'pitting our air
warriors in exercises against their best would help to hone our combat
skills without having to adopt anything that does not suit us'. There
is no denying that the US Air Force has been in combat more often
across the globe for the past six decades. In addition to its combat
superiority, its Air Force is also the leader in high-technology
weapons systems and professional operational employment. Such kind of
cooperation opens up new areas of partnership for the two countries in
a transformed global order.
The Nuclear Deal: How Far Will It Go?
The nuclear deal is the cornerstone of the recent strategic
partnership that is evolving between the two countries. The July 2005
joint statement5 signed between the US President Bush and
the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh calls for civil nuclear
cooperation between the two countries. However, there are a number of
issues bedeviling the cooperation in this area. Washington expects
India to take a number of steps in order to be a part of the global
nonproliferation regime, of which India is not a signatory. Washington
seems doubtful about India's commitment to the July 18 deal, since the
procedure is 'difficult, complex and time-consuming'. The main hitch
seems to be India's commitment to separate civilian from military
facilities in order to receive full nuclear energy cooperation from
the international community. Even within the country, there seems to
be contradictory views on the matter.
The strategic community in both Washington and New Delhi seem
apprehensive over the issue. However, both countries realize that
isolation of India from the international nonproliferation regime
suits neither. Consequently, 'engagement' has become the key word in
the Indo-US relations in the past few months and India is being
recognized as a country that will 'play an increasingly important
leadership role in 21st Century Asia' and prove to be an important
partner of the United States in the current strategic landscape.
A New Trajectory in the Making
The Indo-US relations seem to be moving in a positive direction since
new dynamics have come to play with the disintegration of the Soviet
Union. Cold War compulsions have given rise to new realities. In this
kind of global scenario, Washington seems to be in search of new
partners and allies in keeping with its evolving strategies to deal
with the 21st Century challenges. This has compelled the United States
to look at India from a new prism. With India's gradual rise in the
international system, Washington has found a new partner which shares
with it common values and objectives to a great extent. The recent
Deutsche Bank Research Report even identifies India as a potential
world power, given India's 'immense military clout in South Asia,
stable democratic political system, huge middle class population,
rising economic fortunes and global ambitions'.
India on its part also looks at Washington with great expectations.
The United States remains the home for high-technology and nuclear
energy. Given India's vast requirement for both high-technology and
nuclear energy--crucial to India's rise as a major player in the
current global set-up--India has every intention of remaining
'engaged' with the superpower. Many would not hesitate to refer to
India's recent stand on the Iran issue as reflecting India's intent to
come closer to the United States.
As the relations unfold, it would be interesting to watch the
developments that take place in Indo-US relations. Despite the close
cooperation between the two democracies, the relationship is not
without problems. The Left parties in India and the US Congress seem
to pose as major hurdles in the relationship. Further, the US
President has another three years to go. Despite differences existing
between Washington and New Delhi, the future course seems challenging.
Both the countries understand the need to extricate themselves from
the Cold War variables that conditioned the relationship for decades.
Both the countries seem keen to engage one another constructively to
meet future challenges based on common interest. The foundation of
forging better ties seems to have been laid by the two countries.
However, it will be interesting to identify the 'other factors' and
analyse how these could help in shaping the Indo-US partnership in the
coming years.
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Notes
| 1. |
"The National Security Strategy of the
United States of America" at http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc.nss.pdf,
September 2002. |
| 2. |
Condoleezza Rice statement at the Sophia
University, Tokyo, March 19, 2005 at http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/43655.htm |
| 3. |
New Framework for the US-India Defence
Relationship, June 28, 2005 at http://chennai.usconsulate.gov/prind050629.html,
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| 4. |
"Remarks by Undersecretary of State for
Political Affairs, Nicholas Burns on US-India Relations for the
Senate Committee Relations", Official Text, US Embassy, November
2, 2005. |
| 5. |
India-US Joint Statement, 18 July 2005 at
http://www.indianembassy.org/press_release/2005/July/21.htm |
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