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Engaging Uzbekistan: Problems and Prospects

Brig Vinod Anand
 


India perceives its security interests in three concentric circles viz. immediate neighborhood, extended neighborhood and rest of the global arena. Central Asian Region (CAR) forms part of the extended neighborhood wherein lies Uzbekistan one of the most strategically important nations of CAR. In April this year India and Uzbekistan completed 15 years of establishment of diplomatic relations. It also coincided with India’s Minister of State for Commerce’s visit to Uzbekistan to cement the ties further. But a review of Indo-Uzbek relations shows a mixed report card.

Uzbekistan occupies a unique position in CAR because of geo-strategic and geo-political factors. It is the only country which has borders with the other four CAR states. It has the largest population of 25 million and is the hub of transit corridors in Central Asia. It has sizeable diaspora in neighbouring countries which creates its own dynamics. Further, its natural resources including liquid hydrocarbons and gas reserves make it strategically important for energy hungry and rapidly growing India. It also has borders Afghanistan where resurgence of Taliban is raising the specter of spilling over of fundamentalism and terrorism to CAR.

India’s cultural and civilization links, its liberal and secular fabric, its pluralistic society and other elements of India’s soft power are India’s strengths for improving its relations with Uzbekistan. India has been endeavoring to develop economic and trade relations which, to a large extent, are being hampered by the lack of a direct route to the region.

Uzbekistan is undergoing a difficult and painful process of nation building for over a decade and half. India prefers the stability of the current regimes and peaceful reform rather than the promotion of any aggressive democratic practices. Therefore, India is considered as a friendly partner by Uzbekistan and a country which can play a balancing role in the fierce power play taking place in Central Asia.

In April last year the Indian Prime Minister visited Uzbekistan and signed a number of agreements relating to education, IT, the oil and gas sector, light industry, agriculture, mineral resources and pharmaceuticals. The two sides also expressed satisfaction with the results of the second meeting of the Joint Working Group on Combating International Terrorism. But President Karimov’s visit to Pakistan on the heels of Indian PM’s visit engendered some speculation on the timing and purpose of his visit. It raised concerns about balancing India’s influence in ongoing proxy battle in Afghanistan and CAR.

Even though there has been a high degree of political cooperation the economic and trade activity between the two nations has not reached anywhere near its normal potential. For instance, Indo-Uzbek trade in 2004-05 was around 49 million US dollars compared to around 95 million US dollars with Kazakhstan. Further, Indo-Uzbek trade has followed somewhat erratic trajectory in last decade or so.

Moreover, Uzbekistan is being courted by all the major players in CAR like the US, Russia, China and EU. Uzbekistan is keen to garner maximum benefits from this competition between the major players and therefore is being pulled in different directions. Of late while influence of Russia and China has been rising the stock of US and EU has been on the decline. India, for a number of reasons remains a weak player in the region and has been exploring strategic space to accentuate its profile. While both Uzbekistan and India realise the importance of developing the North-South corridor through Afghanistan and Iran, the same has been getting delayed because of instability in Afghanistan. It also needs to be noted that Pakistan has been wooing Uzbekistan to use its newly opened Gwadar port.

Therefore, to improve India’s footprints in CAR in general and Uzbekistan in particular, Shri Jairam Ramesh visited Tashkent in April 2007. He offered to help establish a training institute for gas technology in Tashkent, along the lines of the Jawaharlal Nehru IT Centre in the Uzbek capital that was inaugurated by the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh last year. GAIL has identified four specific blocks for gas exploration. So far Russia, China and South Korea have invested in gas exploration in Uzbekistan. Shri Jairam Ramesh also conveyed India’s interest in exploring for gold in gold-rich Uzbekistan since India is now the world's largest importer of gold. The Uzbek government has agreed to consider a proposal for gold exploration by Indian undertakings but wants this proposal to include value-addition investments in Uzbekistan itself. The purpose of visit was to take the bilateral economic relationship to a new level.

Indo-Uzbek military to military relations also received a fillip recently when it was decided to send an Indian military training team to Uzbekistan in August this year. Besides teaching English to the troops, it will train them in weapon handling, map craft and fundamental battalion procedures. Earlier, Uzbek troops have been trained in India’s Counter Insurgency Warfare School in Mizoram. India had also contracted for and received six air-to-air refueller IL-78 aircraft which were helpful in reviving the Chkalov aviation plant in Tashkent lying closed for about a decade. Indo-Uzbek agreement also caters repairing of Indian transport aircraft in Tashkent.

Thus present state of Indo-Uzbek strategic engagement can be seen as either a glass half empty or half full. Future course and direction of the engagement would be guided by how much India is willing to invest in Uzbekistan under the existing environs.
 

 

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